The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year, 1861-1865, vols. 1-5. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868.

Congress of the United States, 1861 - Part 1

CONGRESS, THE U. S. 1861. The second session of the thirty-sixth Congress commenced at "Washington on Monday, December 3, 1860.*

In the Senate the difficulties of the country attracted immediate attention.

Mr. Clingman, of North Carolina, on making the usual motion for printing the President's message, (for Message see Public Documents,) said:

"As to the general tone of the message, Mr. President, everybody will say that it is eminently patriotic, and I agree with a great deal that is in it; but I think it falls short of stating the case that is now before the country. It is not, for example, merely that a dangerous man has been elected to the Presidency of the United States. "We know that under our complicated system that might very well occur by accident, and he be powerless; but I assert that the President elect has been elected because lie was known to be a dangerous man. lie avows the principle that is known as the "irrepressible conflict." lie declares that it is the purpose of the North to make war upon my section until its social system has been destroyed, and for that he was taken up and elected. That declaration of war is dangerous, because it has been indorsed by a majority of the votes of the free States in the late election. It is this great, remarkable, and dangerous fact that has filled my section with alarm and dread for the future. "The President says that he may be powerless by reason of the opposition in Congress now; but that is only a temporary relief. Everybody knows that the majority which has borne him into the chair can control all the depart

_____________________________________

* The members of the Senate were  as fallows. From the State of

Maine.—Hannibal Hamlin awl William Pitt Fessenden.

New Hampshire.—John P. Hale and Daniel Clark.

Vermont.—Solomon Foote and Jacob Collamer.

Massachusetts.—Henry Wilson and Charles Sumner.

Rhode Island.—Jas. F. Simmons and Henry B, Anthony.

Connecticut.—Lafayette S. Foster and James Dixon.

New York.—William H. Seward and Preston King.

New Jersey.—John It. Thomson and John C. Ten Eyck.

Pennsylvania.—Simon Cameron and William Bigler.

Delaware.—James A. Bayard and Willard Saulsbury.

Maryland.—James A. Pearce and Anthony Kennedy.

Virginia.—Robert M. T. Hunter and James M. Mason.

North Carolina.—Thomas Brags and Thos. L. Clingman.

Georgia.—Robert Toombs and "Alfred Iverson.

Alabama.—Benjamin Fitzpatrick and C. C. Clay, jr.

Mississippi.—Albert G. Brown and Jefferson Davis.

Tennessee.— Alfred O. P. Nicholson and Andrew Johnson.

Kentucky.—John J. Crittenden and Lazarus W. Powell.

Missouri.—.Tames S. Green and Trust en Polk.

Ohio—Benjamin F. Wade and Gorge E. Pugh.

Indiana.—Jesse D. Bright and Graham N. Fitch. I

Illinois.—Stephen A. Douglas and Lyman Trumbull.

Michigan,—Zachariah Chandler and Kinsley S. Bingham.

Florida.—David L. Yulee and S. R. Mallory.

Texas.—-John Hemphill and Louis T. Wigfall.

Wisconsin,— Charles Durkee and James R. Doolittle,

Iowa.—James W. Grimes and James Harlan.

Minnesota.—Henry M. Rice and Morton S. Wilkinson.

California.—Milton S. Latham and William M. Gwin.

Oregon.—Joseph Lane.

Louisiana.—J, P. Benjamin and John Slidell.

Arkansas.— R. W. Johnson and William K. Sebastian.

South Carolina.—James Chesnut, jr., and James H. Hammond had tendered their resignation to the Governor of that State on the 9th of November, 1860).

__________

The members of the House of Representatives were as follows:

Maine .—Daniel E. Somes, John J. Terry, Ezra B. French, Stephen Coburn, Freeman H. Morse, Israel Washburn, jr., Stephen C. Foster.

New Hampshire.—Gilman Marston, Mason W. Tappan, Thomas M. Edwards. Vermont.—E. P. Walton, Justin S. Morrill, Homer E. Royce.

Massachusetts.—Thames D. Eliot, James Buffinton. Chas. F. Adams, Alexander H. Rice, Anson Burlingame, John B. Alley, Charles R. Train. Eli Thayer, Charles Delano.

Rhode Island— Christopher Robinson. Wm. D. Brayton.

Connecticut.—Dwight Loomis, John Woodruff, Alfred A. Burnham, Orris S. Ferry.

New York.—Luthor C. Carter, James Humphreys, Daniel E. Sickles, William B. Maclay, John Cochrane, George Brings, Horace F. Clark, John B. Haskin. William B. Kenyon, Charles L. Beale. John H. Reynolds. James B. McKean, George "W. Palmer, Francis E. Spinner. Edwin R, Reynolds, James IT. Graham, Roscoe Conklin Jr, R. Holland Duell, M. Lindlev Lee, Charles B. Hoard. Charles B. Sedgwick. Martin Butterflied, Emory B. Pottle. Alfred Wells, William Irvine, Alfred Ely, Augustus Frank, Elbridge G. Spaulding, Reuben E. Fenton.

New Jersey.—John T. Nixon, John L. N. Stratton, Garnett B. Adrain. Jetur R. Riggs.

Pennsylvania.—Thomas R. Florence, Edward Joy Morris, John P. Verree, John Wood, John Hickman. Henry C. Longnecker, Thaddens Stevens, John W. Killinger, James H. Campbell, Galusha A. Grow. Jacob K. McKenty, James T. Hale, Benjamin F. Junkin, Edward McPherson. Samuel S. Blair, John Covode, James K. Moorhead, Robert McKnight, William Stewart, Chapin Hall, Elijah Babbitt.

Delaware.—William G. Whiteley.

Maryland.—James A. Stewart, J. Morrison Harris, H. Winter Davis, Jacob M. Kunkel, George W. Hughes, Webster.

Virginia.—John S. Million, Daniel C. De Jarnette. Roger A. Pryor, Thomas S. Babcock, William Smith, Alexander R. Boteler, John T. Harris, Albert G. Jenkins, Henry A. Edmundson, Elbert 3. Martin.

North Carolina.—William N. H. Smith, Thomas Ruffin, "Warren Winslow, Lawrence O'B. Branch, John A. Gilmer, James M. Leach, Burton Craige.

South Carolina.—John McQueen, Lawrence M. Keltt, Milledge L. Bonham, John D. Ashmore, William W. Boyce. Georgia.—Peter E. Love, Thomas Hardeman. Lucius J. Gartrell, John W. H. Underwood, James Jackson, Joshua Hill, John J. Jones.

Alabama.—James L. Finch, David Clopton. Sydenham Moore, George S. Houston, Williamson R. W. Cobb, Jabez L, M. Curry.

Mississippi.—Ortho R. Singleton.

Louisiana.—John E. Bouligny.

Ohio,—George H. Pendleton, John A. Gurley, Clement L. Vallandigham, William Allen, James M, Ashley, William Howard, Thomas Corwin, Benjamin Stanton. John Carey, Carey A. Trimble, Charles D. Martin, Samuel S. Cox, John Sherman, Harrison G. Blake. William Helmick, Cydnor B. Tompkins, Thomas C. Theaker, Sidney Edgerton, Edward Wade, John Hutching, John A. Bingham.

Kentucky.—Henry C. Burnett, Samuel O. Peyton, Francis M. Bristow, William C. Anderson, Green Adams, Laban T, Moore, John W. Stevenson, John T. Brown.

Tennessee.—Thomas A. R. Nelson, Horace Maynard, William B. Stokes. Robert Hatton, James H. Thomas, James M. Quarles, Emerson Etheridge, William T. Avery.

Indiana.— William E. Niblack. William H. English. W. McKee Dunn, William S. Hoi man, David Kilgore. Albert G. Porter, John G. Davis, Schuyler Colfax, Charles Case, John U. Pettit

Illinois,—Elihu B. Washburne, Owen Lovejoy, Issac N. Morris, John A. McClernand, James C. Robinson, Philip B. Fouke, John A. Logan.

Missouri.— Thomas L. Anderson, John B. Clark, James Orals, J. R. Barrett, Samuel H. Woodson, John S. Phelps. John W. Noell. Arkansas.—Albert Rust. Michigan.—William A, Howard, Francis W. Kellogg, DeWitt C. Leach.

Florida.—George S. Hawkins.

Iowa,—Samuel R. Curtis, William Vandever.

Wisconsin.—John F. Totter, Cadwalader C. Washburn, Charles II. Larrabee.

California.—John C. Burch.

Minnesota.—Cyrus Aldrich, William Windom.

Oregon.— Lansing Stout. Washington.—Isaac I. Stevens.

New Mexico.—Miguel A. Otero.

Kansas.—Marcus J. Parrott, Martin F. Conway.

Page 167

departments of this Government. "Why, sir, five or six of our conservative Senators have already to give place to others on the 4th of March; and if the others do not, it is simply because their terms have not expired. Both the Senators from Indiana and the Senator from Illinois, [Mr. Douglas,] and other gentlemen, would be beaten by that same majority, if it were not that their terms have time to run. They must, however, be cut down at no distant day. Not only that; but if the House of Representatives is divided to some little extent, how long can it be so? We all know that New England has presented an unbroken front for some time past; and does any man doubt that the same organization that elected Abraham Lincoln can make a clear majority of both branches of Congress? The efforts of the Abolitionists will be directed to the few doubtful districts, and they will soon be subjected to their control. So powerful and steady is the current of their progress that it will soon overwhelm the entire North. In this way they must soon control the President, both Houses of Congress, the Supreme Court, and all the officers of the Government. The result is that a sectional party will wield the entire power over all the departments of the Government.

"But this is not the worst view of the case. We are not only to be governed by a sectional domination which does not respect our rights, but by one, the guiding principle of which is hostility to the Southern States. It is that, Mr. President, that has alarmed the country; and it is idle for gentlemen to talk to us about this thing being done according to the forms of the Constitution.

"My purpose was not so much to make a speech as to state what I think is the great difficulty; and that is, that a man has been elected because he has been and is hostile to the South. It is this that alarms our people; and I am free to say, as I have said on the stump this summer repeatedly, that if that election were not resisted, either now or at some day not far distant, the Abolitionists would succeed in abolishing slavery all over the South.

"Therefore I maintain that our true policy is to meet this issue in limine; and I hope it will be done. If we can maintain our personal safety, let ns hold on to the present Government; if not, we must take care of ourselves at all hazards. I think this is the feeling that prevails in North Carolina."

Mr. Lane, of Oregon, said: "We are all aware, Mr. President, that there is great dissatisfaction in this country, and a very near approach, unless something can be done very speedily, to a dissolution of the Union. It is not very strange, as I look at it, that this condition of things should exist. It has been truly said that the election of any man to the Presidency would not be good cause for a dissolution of the Union. I am prepared to say that the simple election of any man to that office, in my judgment, would not because for a dissolution. Nor is that the cause of complaint in the country; but it is the principles upon which the late election has taken place that have given rise to the trouble. Never in any previous presidential election has the issue been so fully put, so directly made, as in the late one. The question everywhere was: shall the equality of the States be maintained; shall the people of every State have a right to go into the common territory with their property? And the verdict of the people has been that equality in this country shall not prevail. It is to the effect that fifteen States of this Union shall be deprived of equality; that they shall not go into the common territory with their property; that they are inferiors, and must submit to inequality and degradation. Then, sir, with such a state of facts before us, is it strange that there should be dissatisfaction and trouble?

"Mr. President, it is not the election of Mr. Lincoln that is troubling the country, as I said before, but that he is regarded as a dangerous man; that he entertains views and opinions as expressed by himself, which are dangerous to the peace, safety, and prosperity of fifteen States of this Confederacy. He is an 'irrepressible conflict' man; he holds that the slave States and free States cannot live together. I apprehend the result will be, that they will not live together."

Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire, from the other side of the Senate, replied: "I think we might as well look this matter right clearly in the face; and I am not going to be long about doing it. I think that this state of affairs looks to one of two things: it looks to absolute submission, not on the part of our Southern friends and of the Southern States, but of the North, to the abandonment of their position—it looks to a surrender of that popular sentiment which has been uttered through the constituted forms of the ballot-box; or it looks to open war. We need not shut our eyes to the fact. It means war, and it means nothing else; and the State which has put herself in the attitude of secession so looks upon it. And I avow here—I do not know whether or not I shall be sustained by those who usually act with me—if the issue which is presented is that the constitutional will of the public opinion of this country, expressed through the forms of the Constitution, will not be submitted to, and war is the alternative, let it come in any form or in any shape. The Union is dissolved and it cannot be held together as a Union, if that is the alternative upon which we go into an election. If it is pre-announced and determined that the voice of the majority expressed through the regular and constituted forms of the Constitution, will not be submitted to, then, sir, this is not a Union of equals; it is a Union of a dictatorial oligarchy on the one side, and a herd of slaves and cowards on the other. That is it, sir; nothing more, nothing less."

Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, said in answer: "All we ask is that we be allowed to depart in Page 168 peace. Do you mean to say that that is not to do allowed us, that we shall neither have peace in the Union, nor be allowed the poor boon of seeking it out of the Union? If that be your attitude, war is inevitable. We feel as every American citizen not blinded by passion and by prejudice must feel, that in this transaction we have been deeply aggrieved; that the accumulating wrongs of years have finally culminated in your triumph—not the triumph of Abraham Lincoln, not your individual triumph —but in the triumph of principles, to submit to which would be the deepest degradation that a free people ever submitted to. We cannot; calmly, quietly, with all the dignity which I can summon, I say to you that we will not submit. We invite no war; we expect none, and hope for none."

Mr. Iverson, of Georgia, still further replied: "As the Senator from New Hampshire very properly remarked, it is time to look this thing in the face. The time is rolling rapidly to the consummation of these great objects; and, in my opinion, there is nothing this side of heaven that can prevent their consummation. You talk about concessions. You talk about repealing the personal liberty bills as a concession to the South. Repeal them all to-morrow, sir, and it would not stop the progress of this revolution. It is not your personal liberty bills that we dread. Those personal liberty bills are obnoxious to us not on account of their practical operation, not because they prevent us from reclaiming our fugitive slaves, but as an evidence of that deep-seated, wide-spread hostility to our institutions, which must sooner or later end in this Union in their extinction. That is the reason we object to your personal liberty bills. It is not because that in their practical operation they ever do any harm. But, sir, if all the liberty bills were repealed to day, the South would no more gain her fugitive slaves than if they were in existence. It is not the personal liberty laws; it is mob laws that we fear. It is the existence and action of the public sentiment of the Northern States that are opposed to this institution of slavery, and are determined to break it down—to use all the power of the Federal Government, as well as every other power in their hands, to bring about its ultimate and speedy extinction. That is what we apprehend, and what in part moves ns to look for security and protection in secession and a Southern Confederacy."

Mr. Wigfall, of Texas, declared his view of this point thus: "We simply say that a man who is distasteful to us has been elected, and we choose to consider that as a sufficient ground for leaving the Union, and we intend to leave the Union. Then, if you desire it, bring us back. When you undertake that, and have accomplished it, you may be like the man who purchased the elephant—you may find it rather difficult to decide what you will do with the animal."

Mr. Saulsbury, of Delaware, closed the debate on printing the message with these words: "1 do not rise for the purpose of protracting this unnecessary and most unfortunate debate; but I rise simply to say in the presence of the representatives of the different States, that my State having been the first to adopt the Constitution, will be the last to do any act or countenance any net calculated to lead to the separation of the States of this glorious Union. She has shared too much of its blessings; her people performed too much service in achieving the glorious liberties which we now enjoy, and in establishing the Constitution under which we live, to cause any son of hers to raise his hand against those institutions or against that Union. Sir, when that Union shall be destroyed by the madness and folly of others, (if, unfortunately, it shall be so destroyed,) it will be time enough then for Delaware and her Representatives to say what will be her course."

On a subsequent day Mr. Powell, of Kentucky, introduced a resolution respecting the reference of the President's message, which was changed by amendment to the following form:

Resolved, That so much of the President's message as relates to the agitated and distracted condition of the country, and the grievances between the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States, be referred to a special committee of thirteen members, and that said committee be instructed to inquire into the present condition of the country, and report by bill or otherwise.

Mr. Powell, on offering the resolution, thus stated its object: '; Mr. President, the object of the resolution under consideration is to initiate measures to save the country from its present perilous condition; to avert, if possible, a dismemberment of the Union, and restore peace, harmony, happiness, and security, to a distracted and divided people. Events are rapidly crowding upon ns which, if not arrested, will speedily overthrow the Government. The mere anticipation of these sad and melancholy results has already caused distrust, alarm, and rain in many parts of the country."

Mr. King, of New York, said: "I am not one of those who despair of the republic; I believe we shall go safely through this crisis, as we have passed through many others that in my period of time have been said to exist. If there be any thing that ought to be inquired into, in my judgment it is, whether the laws be sufficient to enable the Government to maintain itself, and to enforce its constitutional powers."

Mr. Douglas, upon the resolution being again before the Senate, said: "I am ready to act with any party, with any individual of any party, who will come to this question with an eye single to the preservation of the Constitution and the Union. I trust we may lay aside all party grievances, party feuds, partisan jealousies, and look to our country, and not to our party, in the consequences of our action."

Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, argued that the fault was not in the form of the Government, nor did the evil spring from the manner in Page 169 which it had been administered. Where, then, was it? It was that our fathers formed a Government for a Union of friendly States; and though under it the people have been prosperous, beyond comparison with any other whose career is recorded in the history of man, still that Union of friendly States had changed its character, and sectional hostility had been substituted for the fraternity in which the Government was founded. He further said:

"I do not intend here to enter into a statement of grievances; I do not intend here to renew that war of crimination which for years past has disturbed the country, and in which I have taken a part perhaps more zealous than useful; bat I call upon all men who have in their hearts a love of the Union, and whoso service is not merely that of the lip, to look the question calmly but fully in the face, that they may see the true cause of our danger, which, from my examination, I believe to be that a sectional hostility has been substituted for a general fraternity, and thus the Government rendered powerless for the ends for which it was instituted. The hearts of a portion of the people have been perverted by that hostility, so that the powers delegated by the compact of union are regarded, not as means to secure the welfare of all, but as instruments for the destruction of a part—the minority section. How, then, have we to provide a remedy? By strengthening this Government? By instituting physical force to overawe the States—to coerce the people living under them as members of sovereign communities to pass under the yoke of the Federal Government? No, sir ,• I would have this Union severed into thirty-three fragments sooner than have that great evil befall constitutional liberty and representative government. Our Government is an agency of delegated and strictly limited powers. Its founders did not look to its preservation "by force; but the chain they wove to bind these States together was one of love and mutual good offices.

"Then where is the remedy? the question may be asked. In the hearts of the people, is the ready reply; and therefore it is that I turn to the other side of the chamber, to the majority section, to the section in which have been committed the acts that now threaten the dissolution of the Union. I call on you, the representatives of that section, here and now to say so, if your people are not hostile; if they have the fraternity with which their fathers came to form this Union; if they are prepared to do justice; to abandon their opposition to the Constitution and the laws of the United States; to recognize, and to maintain, and to defend all the rights and benefits the Union was designed to promote and to secure. Give us that declaration—give us that evidence of the will of your Constituency to restore ns to our original position, when mutual kindness was the animating motive, and then we may hopefully look for remedies which may suffice ; not by organizing armies— not so much by enacting laws as by repressing the spirit of hostility and lawlessness, and seeking to live up to the obligations of good neighbors, and friendly States united for the common welfare."

Mr. Green, of Missouri, said: "For me to go on the stump or in this Senate chamber, and denounce one section of the Union, or the other section of the Union, would do more harm than good; but let me appeal to them, and ask them, as I say to them now, Are you not willing to grant me the Constitution? Yes. You ask me, Do you want any more than the Constitution? No. Then this one point only remains: If you construe the Constitution one way, and I construe it another, let us as brethren put in an explanatory amendment, which will remove the whole difficulty, that we may go on together in harmony and peace hereafter. A rigid enforcement of the fugitive slave law, a rigid protection of the States from invasion, and an explanatory amendment of the Constitution, defining the rights on every point where there is any dispute, will give us the same old peace we had, and we will go on with the same prosperity as we formerly did."

Mr. Dixon, of Connecticut, followed: "In saying that the controversy respecting slavery is the cause of our present difficulties, I do not intend to say whether one section of the country is in fault more than another, whether both are equally in fault, or whether the blame is wholly on one side. Crimination and recrimination are now useless—nay, dangerous. If it be possible, the first thing should be to restore the fraternal spirit which once existed, ought to exist, and may still exist.

"How shall this be done? I know of no other mode than by cheerfully and honestly assuring to every section of the country its constitutional rights. No section professes to ask more; no section ought to offer less. As to what are these constitutional rights, that is a question to be considered in a spirit of confidence and mutual good will, and furthermore, in a spirit of devotion to the Union, for the preservation of which my constituents are ready to make any sacrifice which a reasonable man can ask, or an honorable man can grant, consistently with principle. In this spirit, sir, I shall meet this great question ; and in doing so I believe I shall be sustained by an immense majority of my constituents. If time shall show that I am wrong in this belief, I shall instantly cease to represent them in this Senate."

Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, declined to vote for the resolution. He said: "Things had reached a crisis. The crisis could only be met in one way effectually, in his judgment; and that was, for the Northern people to review and reverse their whole policy upon the subject of slavery. I see no evidence anywhere of any such purpose. On the contrary, the evidences accumulate all around, day by day, that there is no such purpose. The Southern States do not expect that they are going to do it; and, Page 170 having despaired of that reversal of judgment and that change of conduct, they are proceeding in the only mode left them to vindicate their rights and their honor. I cannot vote for the resolution of my friend from Kentucky, because it would be an intimation—darkly given, it is true, but yet an intimation—to my State which is moving, that there is a hope of reconciliation. I do not believe there is any such hope. I see no evidence upon which to base a hope. I see, through this dark cloud that surrounds us, no ray of light. To me it is all darkness—midnight gloom. I therefore, standing here as one of the Senators from my State to report faithfully what is going on, will hold out no false hope. I will not say to them, oven by implication, that I believe that which, upon my soul, I do not believe."

Mr. Pugh, of Ohio, denied the conclusion of the preceding speaker, saying: "After more than seventy years of liberty and happiness and prosperity as a confederation of States, must we now acknowledge that our constituents, some thirty million in all, with every advantage that men could desire for self-government, are unable to decide their differences in a satisfactory manner? Why, sir, what hope is left for mankind anywhere? Will you pretend that the Southern people are capable of free government hereafter, if they cannot now commune with their Northern brethren upon fair and honorable terms of adjustment? Or shall we, on our side, indulge a pretension equally vain? We stultify ourselves, all of us, in saying that we cannot hear, cannot discuss, and cannot compromise the controversy with which we are threatened. That is to say, in so many words, that our experiment of the Union is a failure; and, more than that, your Southern confederacy will be a failure, and all other confederacies to the end of time. Mr. President, I have not attained any such conclusion; I am not of opinion, as yet, that a majority, or any considerable number of the people. South or North, desire the bonds of this Confederacy to be torn asunder. There has been crimination upon both sides; there have been outrages on both sides; there have been things which ought to be redressed, some by the arm of the law, some by a more faithful administration of our Federal and State Governments; but there has been nothing which cannot be redressed promptly, fairly, and in the most efficacious manner. I believe, before God and my country, that ninety-nine hundredths of the people in every State, North and South, are anxious this day to redress all outrages and all causes of reasonable complaint."

Mr. Mason, of Virginia, stated that he should vote for the resolution, "but without an idea that it is possible for any thing that Congress can do to reach the dangers with which we are threatened." He said: "What is the evil? Gentlemen have well said, it is not the failure to execute this fugitive slave law; it is not the passage of these liberty bills, as they are called, in various of the States; it is a social war—s« far not a war of arms—a war of sentiment, of opinion; a war by one form of society against another form of society. I possibly may have a misinformed judgment, but I rely upon it until corrected; and my judgment is satisfied that, for some reason, the population in the States having no slaves, feeling their great numerical majority, and having nursed this sentiment, this mere opinion about social forms existing elsewhere, have in some manner unfortunately brought themselves to a determination to extinguish it. I do not mean by any immediate blow—by any present law; but it is their purpose, having obtained possession of the Federal power, to use that power in every form to bring that social condition to a close.

"I look upon it then, sir, as a war of sentiment and opinion by one form of society against another form of society. How that will end, I will not undertake to predict; but if there be a remedy for it, it is not here; it must be at home in their own State councils; and I should regret extremely if any vote I am to give here should mislead public judgment so far as to lead them to suppose that they are to look here for safety. If the people would go into convention in all those Slates, as we are driven into convention, take up the subject, probe it, analyze it, look back to history and see what it is, they would have it in their power to apply a remedy. The remedy rests in their hands, not in Congress; in the State councils of the several States; in the political society of the several States; and if we induce them, by any act of ours here, to look to Congress for safety, we shall mislead them."

Mr. Iverson, of Georgia, after discussing the various measures of conciliation, which might be proposed under the resolution: such as the effort to remove the objections of the Southern States by congressional legislation—alteration of the Constitution, &c, declared that the South would never be satisfied with any concession 11 that does not fully recognize, not only the existence of slavery in its present form, but the right of the Southern people to emigrate to the common territories with their slave property, and their right to congressional protection, while the territorial existence lasts." "No one expects such a remedy will ever be accorded by Congress. The Republican party is a unit against any such provision: I tell you, Mr. President, that the question is settled in relation to this great movement which is now progressing in certain of the Southern States. I know the efforts that are now being made to stay the hand of the Southern people, and to cool down the patriotism which is burning within the Southern heart; hut it will be ineffectual, sir. When the arbitrary monarchical government of Louis Philippe, in 1848, had aroused the people of Paris to a sense of their danger and to rebellion, and the barricades of Paris were raised, and the masses of that great city were upheaving in their majesty against Page 171 the arbitrary power of the monarchy, Louis Philippe saw his danger, and attempted to avert it by changing his ministry. He turned out M. Guizot and nominated M. Thiers as his principal adviser. That he supposed would quiet the dissensions which he saw rising around him; but, sir, the words ‘too late,'  too late,' went all through the streets of Paris. The next day, when he found the streets barricaded, he abdicated the throne in favor of his grandson, and made an effort, through his friends, to obtain the regency of his daughter, the mother of the Count of Paris. When that was done, in the hope that he might quoll the insurrection then raging around him, the same words 'too late' ran .through all the masses of Paris, ringing out in sepulchral tones like the trump of the archangel summoning the dead to judgment. So now, sir, you may tinker the Constitution, if you please; you may propose concessions; you may suggest additional legislation; yon may present additional constitutional securities; you may attempt by all these ingenious devices to stay the storm which now rages in the Southern States, to prevent that people from marching on to the deliverance and liberty upon which they are resolved; but, sir, the words 1 too late,' that ring here to-day, will be reiterated from mountain to valley in all the South, and we now sounding the death knell of the Federal Union."

Mr. Pugh, of Ohio, regarded the assertion that the people of the Northern States had set on foot some policy in regard to the institution of slavery, as an invention of history. The assertion of things as facts, which are not facts, has raised all this vast cloud of passion and misrepresentation in both extremes of the country. He said:

"Now, sir, I do not believe that ninety-nine hundredths of the men, who voted for Mr. Lincoln, thought any thing about the subject of slavery in the States, or had any policy on the subject. They were opposed to the introduction of slavery into the territories. They were in favor of a general division of the offices and the plunder. Many of them wanted protection to iron, and I do not know what all; but most of them were animated by a thorough hatred of the Democratic party. But as for any policy in their minds, bearing upon the institutions of the Southern States, I believe this day, if the question were put in any shape, that even in New England, though I cannot speak for her— in every State of the North—there is a large majority of the people who are opposed to any interference whatever."

Mr. Douglas, of Illinois, in reply to statements respecting the non-execution of the fugitive slave-law in the North, said "that nine-tenths of the complaints on that subject are unfounded."

Mr. Wigfall, of Texas, in answer to a demand for a specification of the wrongs, or supposed wrongs, under which the Southern States were suffering, stated that it was the denial by the Government that slaves were property, and the refusal to protect the owners in their title, whenever they were within the Federal jurisdiction, and proceeded:

"My objection to the course we are now pursuing, is simply that these discussions amount to nothing. We cannot save the Union. The Senators on the other side, and the Senator from Illinois can, possibly. I do not know that they can. If they cannot, it cannot be saved. We cannot do it. The people of the South— I speak of the people of the different slaveholding States, and especially those upon the Gulf, commonly called the cotton States—are dissatisfied with the present Government, as it is about to be administered by the President elect. There is nothing that can satisfy them except amendments to the Constitution, and those amendments must be made by the Northern States unanimously, or they will not be satisfied; and I say here, that they should not be."

Mr. Wade, of Ohio, said: "I have listened to the complaints on the other side patiently, and with an ardent desire to ascertain what was the particular difficulty under which they were laboring. Many of those who have supposed themselves aggrieved have spoken; but I confess that I am now totally unable to understand precisely what it is of which they complain. Why, sir, the party which lately elected their President, and are prospectively to come into power, have never held an executive office under the General Government, nor has any individual of them. It is most manifest, therefore, that the party to which I belong, have as yet committed no act of which anybody can complain. If they have fears, as to the course that we may hereafter pursue, they are mere apprehensions—a bare suspicion, arising, I fear, out of their unwarrantable prejudices, and nothing else."

In answer to the question what has caused this excitement? he ascribed it to the belief by the Southern people, that the Republicans were their mortal enemies, "and stand ready to trample their institutions under foot." Those who make the complaints " have, for a long series of years, had this Government in their own keeping. Therefore, if there is any thing in the legislation of the Federal Government that is not right, they are responsible for it. for the Republicans have never been invested with the power to modify or control the legislation of the country." He said:

"Now, sir, I should like to have the Senators on the other side tell me when ever a Republican has violated, or ever proposed to violate, a right of theirs. I have listened to your arguments here for about a week. They are all in very general terms. They are very loosely drawn indictments, and I do not know where to meet you at all. Is there any thing in our platform detrimental to your rights, unless in modern times you have set up a construction Page 172 of the Constitution of the United States differing from ours?—we following the old beaten track of every department of the Government for more than seventy years, and you switching off, as it were, upon another track, and setting up yours as orthodox—that is all. You say that we must follow you. "We choose to follow the old landmarks. That is the complaint against us.

"Sir, I am one of those who went forth with zeal to maintain the principles of the great Republican party. In a constitutional way we met, as you met. We nominated our candidates for President and Vice-President, and you did the same for yourselves. The issue was made up; and we went to the people upon it Although we have been usually in the minority, although we have been generally beaten; yet, this time, the justice of our principles, and the maladministration of the Government in your hands, convinced the people that a change ought to be wrought; and after you had tried your utmost, and we had tried our utmost, we beat you; and we beat you upon the plainest and most palpable issue that ever was presented to the American people, and one that they understood the best. There is no mistaking it; and now, when we come to the Capitol, I tell you that our President and our Vice-President must be inaugurated, and administer the Government as all their predecessors have done. Sir, it would be humiliating and dishonorable to us if we were to listen to a compromise by which he who has the verdict of the people in his pocket, should make his way to the presidential chair. "When it comes to that, you have no Government; anarchy intervenes; civil war may follow it; all the evils that may come to the human imagination may be consequent upon such a course as that. The moment the American people cut loose from the sheet-anchor of free government and liberty —that is, whenever it is denied in this Government that a majority fairly given shall rule— the people are unworthy of free government. Sir, 1 know not what others may do; but I tell you that, with the verdict of the people given in favor of the platform upon which our candidates have been elected, so far as I am concerned, I would suffer any thing to come before I would compromise that away. I regard it as a case where I have no right to extend comity or generosity. A right, an absolute right, the most sacred that a free people can ever bestow on any man, is their undisguised, fair verdict, that gives him a title to the office that he is chosen to fill; and he is recreant to the principle of free government who will ask a question beyond the fact whether a man has the verdict af the people, or if he will entertain for a moment a proposition in addition to that. It is all I want. If we cannot stand there, we cannot stand anywhere. Any other principle than that would be as fatal to you, my friends, as to us. On any other principle, anarchy must immediately ensue."

Mr. Crittenden then addressed the Senate fo» the purpose of presenting joint resolutions, proposing certain amendments to the Constitution. In explanation of them he referred to the questions of an alarming character that had grown out of the controversy between the Northern and Southern sections of the country, in relation to the rights of the slaveholding States in the territories of the United States, and in relation to the rights of the citizens in the slaveholding States. His object was to meet all these questions and causes of discontent by amendments to the Constitution, so that the settlement may be permanent, and leave no cause for future controversy. lie proposed that the Constitution should be so amended as to declare that Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia so long as slavery exists in the States of Maryland and Virginia; and that it shall have no power to abolish slavery in any of the places under its special jurisdiction within the Southern States.

"These are the constitutional amendments which I propose, and embrace the whole of them in regard to the questions of territory and slavery. There are other propositions in relation to grievances, and in relation to controversies, which I suppose are within the jurisdiction of Congress, and may be removed by the action of Congress. I propose, in regard to legislative action, that the fugitive slave law, as it is commonly called, shall be declared by the Senate to be a constitutional act, in strict pursuance of the Constitution. I propose to declare, that it has been decided by the Supreme Court of the United States to be constitutional, and that the Southern States are entitled to a faithful and complete execution of that law, and that no amendment shall be made hereafter to it which will impair its efficiency. But, thinking that it would not impair its efficiency, I have proposed amendments to it in two particulars. I have understood from gentlemen of the North that there is objection to the provision giving a different fee where the commissioner decides to deliver the slave to the claimant, from that which is given where he decides to discharge the alleged slave; the law declares that in the latter case he shall have but five dollars, while in the other he shall have ten dollars—twice the amount in one case than in the other. The reason for this is very obvious. In case he delivers the servant to his claimant, he is required to draw out a lengthy certificate, stating the principal and substantial grounds on which his decision rests, and to return him either to the marshal or to the claimant to remove him to the State from which he escaped. It was for that reason that a larger fee was given to the commissioner, where he had the largest service to perform. But, sir, the act being viewed unfavorably and with great prejudice, in a certain portion of our country, this was regarded as very obnoxious, because it seemed to give an inducement to the commissioner Page 173 to return the slave to the master, as he thereby obtained the larger fee of ten dollars instead of the smaller one of five dollars. I have said, let the fee be the same in both cases. 

“I have understood furthermore, sir, that inasmuch as the fifth section of that law was worded somewhat vaguely, its general terms had admitted of the construction in the Northern States that all the citizens were required, upon the summons of the marshal, to go with him to hunt up, as they express it, and arrest the slave; and this is regarded as obnoxious. They have said, 4 in the Southern States you make no such requisition on the citizen;' nor do we, sir. The section, construed according to the intention of the framers of it, I suppose, only intended that the marshal should have the same right in the execution of process for the arrest of a slave that he has in all other cases of process that he is required to execute—to call on the posse comitatus for assistance where he is resisted in the execution of his duty; or where, having executed his duty by the arrest, an attempt is made to rescue the slave. I propose such an amendment as will obviate this difficulty and limit the right of the master and the duty of the citizen to cases where, as in regard to all other process, persons may be called upon to assist in resisting opposition to the execution of the laws.

"I have provided further, sir, that the amendments to the Constitution which I here propose, and certain other provisions of the Constitution itself, shall be unalterable, thereby forming a permanent and unchangeable basis for peace and tranquillity among the people. Among the provisions in the present Constitution, which I have by amendment proposed to render unalterable, is that provision in the first article of the Constitution which provides the rule for representation, including in the computation three-fifths of the slaves. That is to be rendered unchangeable. Another is the provision for the delivery of fugitive slaves. That is to be rendered unchangeable."

These views were urged by considerations of the importance of the Union and the comparative trifle required to be sacrificed. He said, "Is it not the cheapest price at which such a blessing as this Union "was ever purchased?"

The question on printing the resolutions was reached with difficulty, in consequence of the calls for the special order on the part of some, and the desire to make remarks on the resolutions by others. Their reception appeared ominous of their ultimate fate. They were known as the "Compromise Measures”* pro-

____________________________________

*The following are the Joint resolutions as proposed by Mr. Crittenden:

A Joint resolution (S. No. 50) proposing certain amendments to the Constitution of the United States.

"Whereas serious and alarming dissensions have arisen between the Northern and Southern States, concerning the rights and security of the rights of the slaveholding States, posed by Mr. Crittenden, and attracted much attention among the people of the central States, and were approved by several legislative bodies. It is not too much to say, that with some slight amendments this plan would and especially their rights in the common territory of the United States; and whereas It is eminently desirable and proper that these dissensions, which now threaten the very existence of this Union, should be permanently quieted and settled by constitutional provisions, which shall do equal Justice to all sections, and thereby restore to the people that peace and good-will which ought to prevail between all the citizens of the United States: Therefore, Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring,) That the following articles be, and are hereby, proposed and submitted as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, which shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of said Constitution, when ratified by conventions of three-fourths of the several States:

Article 1. In all the territory of the United States now held, or hereafter acquired, situate north of latitude 8C° 80/, slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, is prohibited while such territory shall remain under territorial government. In all the territory south of said line of latitude, slavery of the African race Is hereby recognized as existing, and shall not be interfered with by Congress, but shall be protected as property by all the departments of the territorial government during its continuance. And when any territory, north or south of said line, within such boundaries as Congress may prescribe, shall contain the population requisite for a member of Congress according to the then Federal ratio of representation of the people of the United States, it shall, if its form of government be republican, be admitted Into the Union, on an equal footing with the original States, with or without slavery, as the constitution of such new State may provide.

Art. 2. Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery in places under its exclusive jurisdiction, and situate within the limits of States that permit the holding of slaves.

Art. 3. Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery within the District of Columbia, so long as it exists in the adjoining States of Virginia and Maryland, or either, nor without the consent of the inhabitants, nor without just compensation first made to such owners of slaves as do not consent t<> such abolishment. Nor shall Congress at any time prohibit officers of the Federal Government, or members of Congress, whose duties require them to be in said district, from bringing with them their slaves, and holding them as such during the time their duties may require them to remain there, and afterwards taking them from the district

Art. 4. Congress shall have no power to prohibit or hinder the transportation of slaves from one State to another, or to a territory in which slaves are by law permitted to be held, whether that transportation be by land, navigable rivers, or by the sea.

Art. 5. That, in addition to the provisions of the third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the United States, Congress shall have power to provide by law, and it shall be Its duty so to provide, that the United States shall pay to the owner who shall apply for It, the full value of his fugitive slave in all cases when the marshal or other officer whose duty it was to arrest said fugitive was prevented from so doing by violence or Intimidation; or when, after arrest, said fugitive was rescued by force, and the owner thereby prevented and obstructed In the pursuit of his remedy for the recovery of his fugitive slave under the said clause of the Constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof. And in all such cases, when the United States shall pay for such fugitive, they shall have the right, in their own name, to sue the county in which said violence, intimidation, or rescue was committed, and to recover from it, with interest and damages, the amount paid by them for said fugitive slave. And the said county, after it has paid said amount to the United States, may, for its indemnity, sue and recover from the wrongdoers or rescuers by whom the owner was prevented from the recovery of his fugitive slave, in like manner as the owner himself might have sued and recovered.

Art. 6. No future amendment of the Constitution shall affect the five preceding articles; nor the third paragraph of the second section of the first article of the Constitution; nor the third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article of said Constitution; and no amendment shall be made to the Constitution which shall authorize or give to Congress any power to abolish or interfere with slavery in

Page 174

have been acceptable to a majority of the people of the United States.

Mr. Breckinridge, a member of the Senate from the State of Kentucky, said upon the floor of the Senate on the 16th of July, 1861: "It was stated upon the floor of the Senate by the late Senator from Illinois, and I happened personally to know the fact myself, that the leading statesmen of the lower Southern States were willing to accept the terms of settlement which were proposed by the venerable Senator from Kentucky, my predecessor."

Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire, had no confidence in compromise propositions. He said: "I do not believe, sir, that the remedy is to be sought there. I do not believe that the remedy is to be sought in new constitutional provisions: but in an honest, faithful execution of the things that are already written in the compact and in any of the States by whose laws it is, or may be, allowed or permitted. And whereas, also, besides those cases of dissension embraced in the foregoing amendments proposed to the Constitution of the United States, there are others which come within the jurisdiction of Congress, and may be remedied by its legislative power; and whereas it is the desire of Congress, as far as its power will extend, to remove all Just cause for the popular discontent and agitation which now disturb the peace of the country, and threaten the stability of its institutions: Therefore,

1. Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled. That the laws now in force for the recovery of fugitive slaves are in strict pursuance of the plan and mandatory provisions of the Constitution, and have been sanctioned as valid and constitutional by the judgment of the Supreme Court of the United States; that the slaveholding States are entitled to the faithful observance and execution of those laws, and that they ought not to be repealed, or so modified or changed as to impair their efficiency; and that laws ought to be made for the punishment of those who attempt by rescue of the slave or other illegal means, to hinder or defeat the duo execution of said laws.

2. That all State laws which conflict with the fugitive slave acts of Congress, or any other constitutional acts of Congress, or which, in their operation, impede, hinder, or delay the free course and due execution of any of said laws, are null and void by the plain provisions of the Constitution of the United States; yet those State laws, void as they are, have given color to practices, and led to consequences, which have obstructed the due administration and execution of acts of Congress, and especially the acts for the delivery of fugitive slaves, and have thereby contributed much to the discord and commotion now prevailing. Congress, therefore, in the present perilous juncture, does not deem It improper, respectfully and earnestly to recommend the repeal of those laws to the several States which have enacted them, or such legislative corrections or explanations of them as may prevent their being used or perverted to such mischievous purposes.

3. That the act of the 18th of September, 1850, commonly called the Fugitive Slave Law, ought to be so amended as to make the lee of the commissioner, mentioned in the eighth section of the act, equal in amount in the cases decided by him, whether his decision be in favor of or against the claimant. And to avoid misconstruction, the last clausa of the fifth section of said act, which authorizes the person holding a warrant for the arrest or detention of a fugitive slave, to summon to his aid the posse comitatus and which declares it to be the duty of all good citizens to assist him in its execution, ought to be so amended as to expressly limit the authority and duty to cases in which there shall be resistance or danger of resistance or rescue.

4. That the laws for the suppression of the African slave trade, and especially those prohibiting the importation of slaves into the United States, ought to he made effectual, and ought to be thoroughly executed; and all further enactments necessary to those ends ought to be promptly made.

The following substitute was afterward offered to the preamble of the resolutions by Mr., Crittenden:

Whereas the Union is in danger, and owing to the unhappy the bond. I am willing, and I hope the State 1 represent is willing, to look this matter all over fairly, calmly, and dispassionately, and if there be any thing that can be demanded of that State consistent with the dignity that belongs to a free State, and the regard that she owes to the Constitution, I have no doubt that she will render and perform it to the letter and to the spirit. But I say, with all deference, that I think these new compacts and these amendments are the mere daubing of the wall with untempered mortar. They are not what is required to sustain the fabric of our Government. "Sir, I do not know that this Congress can do any thing; but this controversy will not be settled here. It has been well said, it will be done by the States; but, sir, the enlightened tribunal of the public opinion of Christendom divisions existing in Congress, It would be difficult, if not Impossible, for that body to concur in both its branches by the requisite majority so as to enable it either to adopt such measures of legislation, or to recommend to the States such amendments to the Constitution, as are deemed necessary and proper to avert that danger; and whereas in so great an emergency the opinion and judgment of the people ought to be heard, and would be the best and surest guide to their representatives: Therefore,

Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law without delay for taking the sense of the people and submitting to their vote the following resolutions as the basis for the final and permanent settlement of those disputes that now disturb the peace of the country and threaten the existence of the Union.

The annexed table, made out from the report of the Commissioner of Public Lands, shows that the division of territory proposed by adopting the line of 86° 80', would give to both the North and the South a quantity very nearly in proportion to their respective populations—to the North 1,795,965 square miles for a population of nineteen millions, and to the South 1,203,711 square miles for a population of twelve millions.

Free States.  Maine New Hampshire Vermont. Massachusetts Rhode Island Connecticut New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Ohio Indiana'. Illinois Michigan Wisconsin. Iowa. Minnesota. Oregon California

Free Territories. Kansas. Nebraska. 842.48S Minnesota 81,960 Washington 193.071 Utah 220,196

Slave States. Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina. South Carolina. Georgia Alabama Florida Kentucky Missouri Arkansas, Tennessee Mississippi Louisiana Texas Total Population.

Slave Territories. New Mexico 256.809 Indian Total 1,203,711 Population 12,000,00)

Page 175

will utter its voice, and I tell you there is no power on God's earth that can stand before that."

The Vice-President, in announcing the Committee of Thirteen on Mr. Powell's resolution, remarked that the Chair had found a great deal of difficulty in framing the committee, but had tried to compose it in the spirit which he believed actuated the Senate in ordering its appointment. It will be observed that upon this committee were two Senators from one State. This was unavoidable. "Of course the author of the resolutions becomes the chairman of the committee; and I am sure the Senate will, for many reasons, recognize the fact that it was proper that the eminent senior Senator from Kentucky should also be a member of that committee. The Secretary will read it."

The Secretary read the committee, as follows: Mr. Powell, Mr. Hunter, Mr. Crittenden, Mr. Seward, Mr. Toombs, Mr. Douglas, Mr. Collamer, Mr. Davis, Mr. Wade, Mr. Bigler, Mr. Rice, Mr. Doolittle, and Mr. Grimes.

Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, was excused from serving on the committee, upon his own request. He said:

"The position which I am known to occupy, and the position in which the State I represent now stands, render it altogether impossible for me to servo upon that committee with any prospect of advantage."

Subsequently a motion to reconsider the vote excusing Mr. Davis was carried, upon which he rose and said:

"If, in the opinion of others, it be possible for me to do any thing for the public good, the last moment while I stand here is at the command of the Senate. If I could see any means by which I could avert the catastrophe of a struggle between the sections of the Union, my past life, I hope, gives evidence of the readiness with which I would make the effort. If there be any sacrifice which I could offer on the altar of my country to heal all the evils, present or prospective, no man has the right to doubt my readiness to do it. Therefore, when Senators, entertaining the same opinions with myself, came to me and expressed regret that I had refused to serve, I could but tell them that I had only obeyed what I believed to be propriety in the case, not desiring to shrink from the performance of a duty, still less to indulge in personal feeling. I therefore answer the request of the Senator from Florida, knowing also that it is made after consultation with others, that if the Senate choose that I should be placed upon the committee, and continue to serve there, I shall offer no further opposition."

The motion to excuse the Senator was then withdrawn. On the 31st of December, the committee reported as follows:

The Committee of Thirteen, appointed by order of the Senate, of the 20th instant, have agreed upon the following resolution, and report the same to the Senate:

Resolved, That the committee have not been able to agree upon any general plan of adjustment, and report that fact to the Senate, together with the journal of the committee.

On a subsequent day the report of the committee and the resolutions of the Senator from Kentucky were taken up; also a brief resolution of nearly similar import offered by Senator Johnson, of Tennessee; also resolutions of Senator Lane, of Oregon.

Mr. Douglas addressed the Senate. He commenced by saying that no act of his public life had ever caused him so much regret as the necessity of voting in the special committee of thirteen for the resolution reporting to the Senate their inability to agree upon any general plan of adjustment, which would restore peace to the country and insure the integrity of the Union. If we wish to understand the real causes which have produced such wide-spread and deep-seated discontent in the slaveholding States, we must go back, he said, beyond the recent Presidential election, and trace the origin and history of the slavery agitation from the period when it first became an active element in Federal politics.

Having traced the agitation down, he ascribed the present crisis to the fact that the Southern people have received the result of the recent election as furnishing conclusive evidence that the dominant party of the North, which is soon to take possession of the Federal Government under that election, are determined to invade and destroy their constitutional rights. What shall be done, he asked, in the case of South Carolina? Our right of jurisdiction over that State for Federal purposes, according to the Constitution, had not been destroyed or impaired by the ordinance of secession, or any act of the convention, or of the de facto government. The right remains; but the possession is lost, for the time being. "How shall we regain the possession?" is the pertinent inquiry. It may be done by arms, or by a peaceable adjustment of the matters in controversy.

After examining many incidental questions relating to the mode of adjustment, he said:

"I repeat, then, my solemn conviction, that war means disunion—final, irrevocable, eternal separation. I see no alternative, therefore, but a fair compromise, founded on the basis of mutual concessions, alike honorable, just, and beneficial to all parties, or civil war and disunion. Is there any thing humiliating in a fair compromise of conflicting interests, opinions, and theories, for the sake of peace, union, and safety? Read the debates of the Federal convention, which formed our glorious Constitution, and you will find noble examples, worthy of imitation; instances where sages and patriots were willing to surrender cherished theories and principles of government, believed to be essential to the best form of society, for the sake of peace and unity."

On another day Mr. Crittenden called up his Page 176 resolution, which was now so modified by himself as to make it a question of referring the matter to the people as an amendment to the Constitution. He had already perceived that there was no party in the Senate in favor of compromise sufficiently strong to pass his resolution in its original form. With a degree of melancholy natural to one who had spent so large a portion of his life in endeavors to promote the prosperity and glory of his country, and who now sees a gigantic catastrophe about to overwhelm her, he addresses the Senate:

"Mr. President, if I could indulge myself with the hope that the resolution which I have proposed for amendments to the Constitution could obtain that majority in this Senate which would recommend it to the States for their adoption, by convention or by Legislature, I should never have made this motion for a reference of the question to the people. It is the extraordinary condition of the country, the extraordinary circumstances by which we are now surrounded, and the peculiar situation in which Congress itself is placed, that has induced me to attempt so extraordinary a resort. We believe that amendments to the Constitution are requisite to give that permanent security which is necessary to satisfy the public mind and restore quiet to the country. Those amendments cannot be recommended, nor can we proceed in the measure of amendment, unless it be by a two-thirds majority. I have feared that that majority could not be hoped for here; and it is in this last extremity that I have proposed that we should invoke the judgment of the people upon the great question on which their Government depends. It is not an ordinary question; it is no question of party; it is no question of policy; it is a question involving the existence of the Union, and the existence of the Government. Upon so momentous a question, where the public counsels themselves are so divided and so distracted as not to be able to adopt, for the want of the requisite majority, those means that are supposed to be necessary for the safety of the country and the people, it has seemed to me not improper that we should resort to the great source of all political authority—the people themselves. This is their Government; thi3 is their Union; we are but their representatives. I speak in no feeling of flattery to the people, sir. No; I call upon them to pronounce their judgment, and do their duty to their country. If we cannot save the country, and they will not save the country, the country is gone. I wish to preserve it by all the means, ordinary and extraordinary, that are within our possible reach. That is the whole feeling, and that is the entire principle upon which I have acted in making this proposition. I see nothing improper in in.''

After examining all the points bearing on the proposition for compromise in a most conciliatory spirit, and urging with all the eloquence he could command, the importance to the future welfare of the country that this course should be adopted, he closed, and the Senator from Georgia followed. Nothing could be more complete than the contrast between their views.

Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, said: "The success of the Abolitionists and their allies, under the name of the Republican party, has produced its logical results already. They have for long years been sowing dragons' teeth, and have finally got a crop of armed men. The Union, sir, is dissolved. That is an accomplished fact in the path of this discussion that men may as well heed. One of your confederates has already, wisely, bravely, boldly, confronted public danger, and she is only ahead of many of her sisters because of her greater facility for speedy action. The greater majority of those sister States, under like circumstances, consider her cause as their cause; and I charge you in their name to-day, "Touch not Saguntum." It is not only their cause, but it is a cause which receives the sympathy, and will receive the support, of tens and hundreds of thousands of honest patriotic men in the non-slaveholding States, who have hitherto maintained constitutional rights, who respect their oaths, abide by compacts, and love justice. And while this Congress, this Senate, and this House of Representatives are debating the constitutionality and the expediency of seceding from the Union, and while the perfidious authors of this mischief are showering down denunciations upon a large portion of the patriotic men of this country, those brave men are coolly and calmly voting what you call revolution—ay, sir, doing better than that—arming to defend it. They appealed to the Constitution, they appealed to justice, they appealed to fraternity, until the Constitution, justice, and fraternity were no longer listened to in the legislative halls of their country, and then, sir, they prepared for the arbitrament of the sword; and now you see the glittering bayonet, and you hear the tramp of armed men from your capital to the Rio Grande. It is a sight that gladdens the eyes and cheers the hearts of other millions ready to second them. Inasmuch, sir, as I have labored earnestly, honestly, sincerely, with these men to avert this necessity so long as I deemed it possible, and inasmuch as I heartily approve their present conduct of resistance, I deem it my duty to state their case to the Senate, to the country, and to the civilized world."

The claims of the Southern States and their views of the Constitution have been already stated so often, that it will not be necessary to repeat the argument of the Senator from Georgia.

On a subsequent day Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire, offered the following resolutions, designing to move them as an amendment to the resolutions of Mr. Crittenden:

Resolved, That the provisions of the Constitution Page 177 are ample for the preservation of the Union, and the protection of all the material interests of the country; that it needs to be obeyed rather than amended; and that an extrication from the present dangers is to be looked for in strenuous efforts to preserve the peace, protect the public property, and enforce the laws, rather than in new guarantees for particular interests, compromises for particular difficulties, or concessions to unreasonable demands.

Resolved, That all attempts to dissolve the present Union, or overthrow or abandon the present Constitution, with the hope or expectation of constructing a new one, are dangerous, illusory, and destructive; that, in the opinion of the Senate of the United States, no such reconstruction is practicable, and therefore, to the maintenance of the existing Union and Constitution should be directed all the energies of all the departments of the Government, and the efforts of all good citizens.

A bill was afterwards introduced by Mr. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, to provide for taking the sense of the people of the several States on the proposed amendments to the Constitution offered by Mr. Crittenden.

Subsequently Mr. Crittenden called tip his resolutions, when a motion was made to postpone their consideration to a future day, by Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts, because the Pacific Railroad bill, and the bill for the admission of Kansas were set down for previous days. To this the venerable Senator, Mr. Crittenden, replied:

"I do think that this may well be considered as trifling with the greatest subject that can possibly be before this Senate, if we consent to such a postponement, and make the reason for it the pendency of this or that bill. I cannot consent to it; and I hope, if the Senate are disposed to treat the subject at all with the solemnity that belongs to it, that we shall at least show respect enough to the subject to manifest a temper and disposition to act upon it decidedly and promptly. I want this question acted upon; and from this dilatory sort of proceedings, it seems to me it is evident gentlemen are trying to postpone this subject, and give it no consideration."

After further discussion the motion to postpone was lost, 19 Republicans to 25. Another debate arose on questions of order, and the session of the day closed, by the Senator from Kentucky withdrawing his call.

On the next day, when the Senator called for his resolutions again, they were set aside, as the Pacific Railroad bill had been set down as a special order.

Mr. Lane, of Oregon, thus expressed his disapprobation of the course which had been taken:

"I was very sorry this morning to see the most important measure that has been introduced into this Senate, or can be introduced into it during this or any other session, set aside to take up this bill. I allude to the proposition introduced by the venerable Senator from Kentucky. It was a proposition presented with the hope of saving the final dissolution of this Union. The measures proposed by him, if sanctioned by the people, if approved by the Northern States, would in all human probability—and I know there is no man in this Union more anxious for it than myself—delay the movements which are now going on, that are to result ultimately in the entire dissolution of the Union. At such a time, when every gentleman knows that the country cannot be held together unless something shall be promptly done, I thought it was not proper to take up a bill involving the county in obligations amounting to hundreds of millions, for the making of two railroads, in preference to adopting some measures by which this Union may be held together; some plan that may afford security and protection, and guarantee the rights of all the States of the Confederacy."

Later in the day Mr. Crittenden alluded to the same action on the part of the Senate, and expostulated with them, saying:

"I cannot think, Mr. President, of voting for the Pacific Railroad bill while this other measure is undetermined. It has been said of old that men build as if they never expected to die. We seem to be acting as a nation upon that hypothesis; we are proposing to build railroads, providing roads for future generations, when the very existence of our country is in danger. When the Union itself is reeling about like a drunken man, we are making provision for futurity and for posterity. I cannot vote for any such measure at any such time. Build up the Union first; then talk about building up a railroad. Then I will vote for this measure. I want my friends from California to understand that, although I voted to-day for the indefinite postponement of this bill, I am not its enemy. I am prepared to vote for it when you make the Union stable enough to afford the faintest promise that the work can be executed, and that we shall have a nation to enjoy the benefits of it. It seemed to me very solemn trifling before this people, that the Senate should sit here legislating upon the making of roads for future generations, and for a nation, when that nation is trembling upon a point between life and death. Yet the Senate preferred to act upon a railroad, rather than to act on these measures calculated to give permanence to the Union itself. I ask my friends to consider what sort of intelligence is this to go out of a country that is now trembling with anxiety upon the question of peace or war, existence or nonexistence as a nation, that they should sit hero and with quiet indifference to the state of the country take up a railroad bill?"

 On another day the resolutions were taken up and the amendments of Mr. Powell, of Kentucky, and Mr. Clark of New Hampshire, were adopted. This amendment of Mr. Clark looked so much like war, that on the motion to reconsider the vote on the next day, it was reconsidered and postponed.

On the 28th of January, Senator Iverson, of Georgia, withdrew from the Senate. His communication to that body was as follows:

                              WASHINGTON CITY,

                                       January 28, 1861.

To the Senate of the United States:

The undersigned has received official information that, on the 19th instant, a convention of the people of Georgia, recently assembled, and now in session, passed the following ordinance:

"An ordinance to dissolve the union between the State of Georgia and other States united with her under a compact of government, entitled the 'Constitution of the United states of America.' "

We, the people of the Slate of Georgia, in convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the ordinance adopted by the people of the State of Georgia in convention on the lid day of January, in the year of our Lord, 1788, when the Constitution of the United States of America was assented to, ratified, and adopted; and also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assembly of this State, ratifying and adopting amendments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, rescinded, and abrogated.

"We do further declare and ordain, that the Union now subsisting between the States of Georgia and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved; and that the State of Georgia is in the full possession and exercise of all those rights of sovereignty which belong and appertain to a free and independent State."

The undersigned, recognizing the validity of said ordinance, and the fact that the State which he, in part, represents in the Senate of the United States, has withdrawn from the Federal Union, and is now a separate, sovereign, and independent State, does not feel at liberty any longer to take part in the proceedings of the Senate, and shall this day withdraw from the body.

                     Very respectfully,

                                  ALFRED IVERSON.

Upon its being read, the Senator made a brief address to the Senate, saying that peace or war could follow as the remaining States might choose. The first gun fired would cause the withdrawal of all the slaveholding States, and forever destroy all hope of reconstruction.

A question next arose in the Senate respecting the effect which the act of this Senator had upon his seat in that body. After a lengthy discussion, the subject was laid upon the table and passed over for the time.

At this time a movement was made on the part of the State of Virginia, to accomplish a peaceful settlement of the difficulties of the country. Resolutions were adopted by the Legislature of that State, recommending all the States to appoint commissioners to a convention, the object of which should be to adjust "the present unhappy controversies in the spirit in which the Constitution was originally formed."

The convention was to meet at "Washington on the 4th of February ensuing. These resolutions* were  laid before Congress by President Buchanan, accompanied with a message to each House, in which he thus expressed his gratification upon the occasion, and his views of his own position:— "I confess I hail this movement on the part of Virginia, with great satisfaction. From the past history of this ancient and renowned Commonwealth, we have the fullest assurance that what she has undertaken she will accomplish, if it can be done by able, enlightened, and persevering efforts. It is highly gratifying to know

_____________________________________

*Preamble and Resolution adopted by the General Assembly of Virginia, January 19, 1861.

"Whereas It is the deliberate opinion of the General Assembly of Virginia, that unless the unhappy controversy which now divides the States of this Confederacy shall be satisfactorily adjusted, a permanent dissolution of the Union Is Inevitable; and the General Assembly, representing the wishes of the people of the Commonwealth, is desirous of employing every reasonable means to avert a dire a calamity, and determined to make a final effort to restore the Union and the Constitution, in the spirit In which they were established by the fathers of the Republic: Therefore,

_____________________________________

Resolved, That on behalf of the Commonwealth of Virginia, an invitation is hereby extended to all such State% whether slaveholding or non-slaveholding, as are willing to unite with Virginia in an earnest effort to adjust the present unhappy controversies in the spirit In which the Constitution was originally formed, and consistently with its principles, so as to afford to the people of the slaveholding States adequate guarantees for the security of their rights to appoint commissioners to meet, on the 4th day of February next, in the city of Washington, similar commissioners appointed by Virginia, to consider, and, if practicable, agree upon some suitable adjustment.

Resolved, That ex-President John Tyler, "William C. Rives, Judge John W. Brockenbrough, George W. Summers, and James A. Seddon are hereby appointed commissioners, whose duty It shall be to repair to the city of Washington, on the day designated In the foregoing resolution, to meet such commissioners as may be appointed by any of the said States, In accordance with the foregoing resolution.

Resolved, That if said commissioners, after full and free conference, shall agree upon any plan of adjustment requiring amendments of the Federal Constitution, for the further security of the rights of the people of the slaveholding States, they be requested to communicate the proposed amendments to Congress, for the purpose of having the same submitted by that body, according to the forms of the Constitution, to the several States for ratification.

Resolved, That if said commissioners cannot agree on such adjustment, or, if agreeing. Congress shall refuse to submit for ratification such amendments as may be proposed, then the commissioners of this State shall immediately communicate the result to the Executive of this Commonwealth, to be by him laid before the convention of the people of Virginia and the General Assembly: Provided that the said commissioners be subject at all times to the control of the General Assembly, or, if In session, to that of the State Convention.

Resolved, That in the opinion of the General Assembly of Virginia, the propositions embraced in the resolutions presented to the Senate of the United States by Hon. John  Crittenden—so modified as that the first article proposed as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, shall apply to all the territory of the United States now held or hereafter acquired south of latitude 86° 80', and provide that slavery of the African race shall be effectually protected as property therein during the continuance of the territorial government, and the fourth article shall secure to the owners of slaves the right of transit with their slaves between and through the non-slaveholding States and Territories—constitute the basis of such an adjustment of the unhappy controversy which now divides the States of this Confederacy, as would be accepted by the people of this Commonwealth.

Resolved, That ex-President John Tyler is hereby appointed, by the concurrent vote of each brunch of the General Assembly, a commissioner to the President of the United Suites; and Judge John Robertson is hereby appointed, by a like vote, a commissioner to the State of South Carolina, and the other States that have seceded, or shall secede, with instructions respectfully to request the President of the United States and the authorities of such States to agree to abstain, pending the proceedings contemplates by the action of this General Assembly, from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms between the States and the Government of the United States.

Resolved, That copies of the foregoing resolutions be forthwith telegraphed to the Executives of the several States, and also to the President of the United States; and that the Governor be requested to inform, without delay, the commissioners of their appointment by the foregoing resolutions.

    A copy from the rolls.

                  "WILLIAM F. GORDON. Jr.,

                           C H. D. and K. R. of Virginia.

Page 179 that other patriotic States have appointed, and are appointing, commissioners to meet those of Virginia in council. When assembled, they will constitute a body entitled, in an eminent degree, to the confidence of the country.

"The General Assembly of Virginia have also resolved ' that ex-President John Tyler is hereby appointed, by the concurrent vote of each branch of the General Assembly, a commissioner to the President of the United States; and Judge John Robertson is hereby appointed, by a like vote, a commissioner to the State of South Carolina and the other States that have seceded or shall secede, with instructions respectfully to request the President of the United States and the authorities of such States to agree to abstain, pending the proceedings contemplated by the action of this General Assembly, from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms between the States and the Government of the United States.'

"However strong may be my desire to enter into such an agreement, I am convinced that I do not possess the power. Congress, and Congress alone, under the war-making power, can exercise the discretion of agreeing to abstain 'from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms' between this and any other Government. It would, therefore, be a usurpation for the Executive to attempt to restrain their hands by an agreement in regard to matters over which he has no constitutional control. If he were thus to act, they might pass laws which he should be bound to obey, though in conflict with his agreement.

"Under existing circumstances, my present actual power is confined within narrow limits. It is my duty at all times to defend and protect the public property within the seceding States so far as this may be practicable, and especially to employ all constitutional means to protect the property of the United States, and to preserve the public peace at this the seat of the Federal Government. If the seceding States abstain 'from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms,' then the danger so much to be deprecated will no longer exist. Defence, and not aggression, has been the policy of the Administration from the beginning.

"But whilst I can enter into no engagement such as that proposed, I cordially commend to Congress, with much confidence that it will meet their approbation, to abstain from passing any law calculated to produce a collision of arms pending the proceedings contemplated by the action of the General Assembly of Virginia. I am one of those who will never despair of the Republic. I yet cherish the belief that the American people will perpetuate the Union of the States on some terms just and honorable for all sections of the country. I trust that the mediation of Virginia may be the destined means, under Providence, of accomplishing this inestimable benefit. Glorious as are the memories of her past history, such an achievement, both in relation to her own fame and the welfare of the whole country, would surpass them all."

After the message had been read in the Senate, Mr. Mason of Virginia said, it was a great and honorable office which his honored and venerated State had undertaken. Should it unfortunately occur, however, either from impatience in the States that have separated, or from any undue and over-zeal in any department of the Federal Government, that the two sections should be brought into collision, there is an end of all negotiation. Men never negotiate in war. There must be a peace first. If there was any honorable Senator on the floor, or any citizen of any one of the States, who, under existing events, yet indulged the belief that an attempt to enforce the Federal laws in the States that have declared themselves beyond the Federal jurisdiction was not an act which would lead to war, and to war alone, never was such a Senator or such a citizen more deluded. He had occasion to say so heretofore. "I speak it now, sir, certainly not in anger; but I should speak it in sorrow, if I could be brought to contemplate such an event."

He thought that there were evidences—daily evidences—from that section of the country which had separated itself from this Union, that, while' the authorities there have thought it necessary, as measures of precaution, to possess themselves, in the several States, of the forts, arsenals, navy-yards, and military materials found within their limits, acknowledging them to be a portion of the public property all the time, they have done so with no intent on their part to make war; they have done so, as they conceived, only as measures of necessary, prudent precaution, in the event that any war should unhappily be waged on them. And he thought honorable Senators on the other 6ide would respond to the declaration, when he said that there was not one of those States, when they shall be restored to the Union, if they shall be restored, or when the Government shall be reconstructed, if it 6hall he reconstructed, or when peace shall be concluded, if war shall now follow, who will not account for every dollar of the public property that they have taken.

A great number of petitions and memorials had been presented in both Houses of Congress relative to the crisis of the country, and for the most part praying Congress to adopt such measures as would result in peace and permanent union. Resolutions also were from time to time adopted by the Legislatures of many of the States and laid before Congress.

Among the memorials thus presented was one from the city of New York, which was forwarded through a committee of twenty-five citizens, and which prayed "for the exercise of the best wisdom of Congress in finding some plan for the adjustment of the troubles which disturb the peace and happiness and endanger

Page 180 the safety of the nation."' It also favored the Border State plan. Mr. Seward, of New York, in presenting the memorial to the Senate, stated that he had been asked by the committee to support the petition, but he had not seen a proposition from either North or South which would be satisfactory to the other. He deemed it his duty to hold himself open and ready for the best adjustment, but he would express to the public and to the Senate the commendable spirit in which the committee came. He then proceeded to say:

"I have asked them, also, in return for performing my duty on this occasion, that when they have arrived at home, they will act in the same spirit and manifest their devotion to the Union above all other interests and all other sentiments, by speaking for the Union, by voting for the Union, and, if it should be demanded, by lending and even giving their money for the Union, and fighting, in the last resort, for the Union, taking care always that speaking goes before voting, voting goes before giving money, and all go before a battle, which I should regard as hazardous and dangerous, and therefore the last, as it would be the most painful, measure to be resorted to for the salvation of the Union.

"This is the spirit in which I have determined for myself to come up to this great question, and to pass through it, as I sincerely believe we shall pass through it. For, although this great controversy has not been already settled, I do not, therefore, any the less calculate upon and hope and expect that it will be Peacefully settled, and settled for the Union, have not been so rash as to expect that, in sixty days which have been allowed to us since the meeting of Congress—and I will be frank, sir, in saying that I have not expected that, in the ninety days which are the allotted term of Congress—reason and judgment would come back to the people, and become so pervading, so universal, as that they would appreciate the danger and be able to agree on the remedies. Still, I have been willing that it should be tried, though unsuccessfully; but my confidence has remained the same, for this simple reason: that, as I have not believed that the passion and frenzy of the hour could overturn this great fabric of constitutional liberty and empire in ninety days, so I have felt sure that there would be time, even after the expiration of ninety days, for the restoration of all that had been lost, and for the reestablishment of all that was in danger."

Mr. Mason, of Virginia, replied: "I was about to remark, that at this time, when the Government is in process of disintegration, when there are six States which have separated themselves from the Union, as they say, finally and forever; when other States not yet separated, are arming themselves—arming upon a large scale; when my own State appropriated, twelve months ago, in expectation of what seems now to be occurring, the very large sum from a State treasury, in advance, of $500,008 to purchase arms to arm her people; when here, within a few days, another appropriation was made of $1,000,000 for the same purpose, to arm her people; when we find that other States have done the same thing; when we find, in my own State and in other States, also, that the people are arming themselves, that the counties and the towns, exercising their municipal authority, are raising money upon the credit of the counties and the towns to arm the people; when that state of things is going on, and the public mind is engaged, in those of the slave States that have not yet separated, and in some of the free States, in devising a possible mode by which the American mind can again be united in a common Government, what do we hear from the honorable Senator from New York? What do we hear from that Senator who occupies the position before the country which is occupied by that Senator, acknowledged at the head of the political combinations which are to bring into power the incoming Administration, said, through the newspaper press, to be the probable right hand of the new Administration? What do we hear from him?

"Why, the honorable Senator, amidst the maze of generalities which marked his speech, did march up to the line and tell us what his policy was; and I assume it is to be the policy of those whom he has so aided to bring into power. What was it? His recommendation to those gentlemen who have sent this enormous petition here, not adopting their views, not looking to any amendment to the Constitution whatsoever, is given in four distinct propositions of what is to be the policy of those whom he is to lead, if history does not misinform us, after the 4th of March next. What is it? He recommends them, when they go home, to employ themselves in the great work of restoring the breaches that have been made in the Government. How? Why, said he, speak for the Union. That is the first. Next, vote for the Union. That is the second great measure. What is the third? Give money for the Union. And the last? Fight for the Union. These are the four measures proposed by the honorable Senator from New York to heal this gaping breach in the Government."

Mr. Seward, in answer, said: "I contemplated, sir, after the expiration of all the multitudinous trials that are making to save this Union by compromise, a convention of the people of the United States, called in constitutional form; and when that shall have been held, or refused to be held, and found to be impossible to obtain; if then, this Union is to stand or fall by the force of arms, I have advised my people to do as I shall be ready to do myself—stand in the breach, and stand with it or perish with it."

Mr. Mason responded: "Then we have it definite, Mr. President. I want to bring the honorable Senator, the exponent of the new Page 181 Administration, to the policy which is to be adopted. I understand from him now, that remedies failing through the Constitution by the conventions of the States, his recommendation is battle and bloodshed to preserve the Union; and his recommendation to his people is that they shall contribute the money which shall march the army upon the South; for what? To preserve the Union? It is gone; it is broken; there is no Union now in this country. Those States that are out of the Union have broken it as completely as if, instead of six or seven, there were now all the fifteen slave States with them; and if this battle is to be fought, it is to be fought against them upon their own soil, for the purpose of reducing them to colonies and dependencies. It cannot mean any thing else. The honorable Senator is too wise and experienced a statesman, the honorable Senator knows too well the construction and theory of this Government, to think for one moment that when you have subjugated the people of the States you have restored the Union. No, sir,"

Mr. Seward answered: "I look, sir, to no such contingency as seceded States and a dissevered Union. I look to no such condition of things. The honorable Senator and I differ in regard to the future. He, with an earnest will and ardent imagination, sees this country hereafter rent and dissevered, and then recombined into separate confederacies. I see no such thing in the future; but I do see, through the return of reason and judgment to the American people, a return of public harmony, and the consolidation of the Union firmer than ever before. The honorable Senator from Virginia can very easily see that we may differ in our anticipations and expectations of the future, because we differ so much in regard to the actual, living present. Here I am, sir, in the Union of the United States, this same blessed, glorious, nobly-inherited, God-given Union; in the Senate chamber of the United States, pleading for it, maintaining it, and defending it."

The debate was further continued, and other Senators took a part in it.

Mr. Douglas, of Illinois, in allusion to the votes of the Senate, said that extremes North and South often meet, and unite in resisting the efforts of the friends of the Union, of concession, of conciliation, and of harmony, when their joint efforts, though prompted by different motives, lead to the same end—inevitable disunion, now and forever.

Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas, said the impression that there is no hope of an adjustment has been derived from the action in this chamber, and there is not a man here who is not conscious of the fact.

Mr. "Wigfall, of Texas, in reply to the remark of the Senator from Illinois, said: "Why, I tell the Senator that that great principle of his (non-intervention) disrupted the Democratic party, and has now disrupted the Union; and but for him and his great principle, this day a Democrat would have been President, and the Union saved. That is the fact about the matter; and when a Senator who has contributed more than any man in the Union, according to his ability, to the destruction of the country, comes here and charges me with complicity in dissolving the Union, and charges in terms that extremes meet, and that I and my friends, and the Free-Soilers on the other side, are cooperating for the same purpose; that we are voting together, and that we take great comfort in all these exhibitions of the impossibility of saving the Union, I tell him that he is not the man to come here and preach to anybody."

The peace propositions of Virginia were next taken up, and Mr. Clingman, of North Carolina, expressed his views of all these propositions in these few words: "I have and shall continue to vote for any measure that may improve the existing status, whether it, in my judgment, be all that the South is entitled to ask or not, leaving to my constituents and other Southern States the right to determine how far it satisfies them. But I have felt all the time, that unless some movement camo from the other side of the chamber, or was at least taken up by them, any effort on our part would be futile. Even though every Democratic member should vote for a proposition, and that should chance to be a majority, yet we could not here pass a proposition for an amendment to the Constitution by the necessary two-thirds vote, nor carry any proposition through the House of Representatives, much less cause its adoption by the free States."

Of the future, he thus predicted: "I say, Mr. President, that one of three contingencies is inevitably before you: either a settlement of these difficulties such as will be satisfactory and arrest the movement; or a recognition of a peaceable separation; or, thirdly, war. No human ingenuity can find any other result. The best course, undoubtedly, would be to adjust things now, if possible, on a satisfactory and permanent basis. The next best is a peaceable recognition of the independence of the seceding States; and the worst of all, but inevitable if neither of the others be taken, is war. I tell gentlemen, if they sit still war will make itself; it will come of its own accord."

On closing his remarks, Mr. Clingman thus referred to the subject of peace or war: "A Roman ambassador, addressing those to whom he was sent, said: 'I carry in my bosom peace and war; which will you have? Reversing his declaration, I say to Senators on the other side of this chamber, 'You carry in your bosoms, for the country, peace or war; which do you mean to give it?' If you say war, then our people will meet you, and struggle with you all along the lines, and wherever else you come."

To these remarks Mr. Hale of New Hampshire, replied: "I want to protest here, for one of the Northern States, against the tone of the Senator's speech, in which, looking to war, he talks to us as if we were the war-making power. Have we seized upon any forts? Have we taken any arsenals, and seized upon any mints? Have we done one single act looking to aggression? Have we fired into any flag, State or National? On the other hand, is not the condition of the Northern States one that subjects them, in the eyes of the world, to the charge of pusillanimity and reproach for wanting manliness in repelling the attacks that have been made upon thorn? Gentlemen come here and preach peace to us as if we were the aggressive party; as if the responsibilities of war must rest on us. Why, sir, if we have any of the responsibilities of war resting upon us, it will be by a course of conduct which subjects us, in the eyes of the world, to the imputation of cowards —that lies still and invokes aggression."

The inflammable state of the feelings of the Southern people had already been very distinctly manifested. On the last day of December, orders were issued from the War Department for the purpose of sending troops South. Late in the night, perhaps as late as eleven o'clock, these orders were countermanded; but in the mean time, telegraphic despatches had been sent to the South, and a number of forts were taken. In North Carolina, on the day following, the 1st of January, there was a similar movement on foot, and a despatch wont down which prevented it, by giving assurances that the orders had been countermanded. Not long afterwards the sending of the Star of the West occurred, other reports of hostile movements went abroad, and the people occupied some of the forts in North Carolina; but they were informed again that there was no purpose on the part of the Government to reinforce them, and they were abandoned.

The Naval Appropriation hill next came up before the Senate. One of its provisions authorized the construction of seven steam-sloops of war, when

Mr. Mason, of Virginia, rose and said: "Now, sir, why is the navy to be increased? Is there any demand for these steamers? Is there any such pressing necessity upon the military arm of the country to be strengthened, as to induce Congress to borrow money at the ruinous rates we are now compelled to pay, to strengthen it? I ask Senators on the other side to state what the necessity is? Is there any apprehension of war? Is there any apprehension that this Government may find itself unable to defend itself on any sudden emergency, that will justify us in borrowing money at this ruinous rate for the purpose now of increasing the navy?"

Mr. Grimes, of Iowa, replied: "If the Senator will allow me, I will say that it is recommended now by the Secretary of the Navy; and, furthermore, that since the last session of Congress there, has been a survey of the naval vessels of the United States, many of which have been found to be utterly worthless; and that, I apprehend, is one reason why a good many gentlemen, who were recorded as having voted against the proposition last year, voted as they did on the present occasion."

Mr. Mason responded: "What is the public emergency that calls for this increase of the naval force when we have no war? Our commerce is not unprotected; we hear of no complaint there. We have no unredressed grievances in any part of the world, that I know of, that call for an increase of the navy. Why, then, when we are borrowing money at a rate of usance unknown to this Government, is it asked that we should expend $1,500,000 for the increase of the navy, and the increase of this peculiar kind of naval vessels—vessels of small draught of water, and which are to be, as the amendment requires, heavily armed in proportion to their draught and size? Why, sir, we know from the newspapers, that a bill is about to be introduced, or has been introduced, into the other branch of Congress, providing for a military surveillance upon those States that are no longer portions of this Confederacy. We have had a bill introduced into the Senate by the honorable Senator from Vermont, authorizing the President of the United States, under circumstances stated in the bill, to discontinue the ports of entry--

Mr. Collamer: "That bill has no warlike purpose whatever. It is to avoid that. It is to declare them no longer ports of entry, so that ships will not make clearances to them. It will prevent the necessity of any military force there."

Mr. Mason: "I have not spoken one word, Mr. President, of the reasons that induced the honorable Senator to introduce that bill. I am speaking of the fact. The honorable Senator has introduced a bill giving authority to the President, under certain circumstances stated in the bill, to discontinue ports of entry. Very well. I speak of the fact only. What it may lead to is another question."

Referring then to the condition of the seceded States, Mr. Mason continued: "Now, sir, other gentlemen may shut their eyes to these facts, if they think it wise to do so. I come from that part of the country; I cannot shut my eyes to the existing facts. I know that, whatever may be the design of the honorable mover of this proposition, if these steamers are built, they will be part of the naval armament of this Confederation, to be used for any military purposes that the public exigencies may require; and I know that the proposition of the honorable Senator from Vermont will lead to this, whatever he intends.

"It is high time, sir, for the Government to take into consideration the state of things on our late southern borders, and determine what those relations are. They should meet it like Page 183 men. Do not attempt to coyer it up and to evade it or disguise it; meet it in full front; declare that they are in rebellion, and they are to be put down; or declare that they have the right of separation, and are to be acknowledged in their separation. This is my view of that matter. Those States being out, having actually confederated, having assumed a nationality, I should consider it was the bounden duty of the Government, no matter what question separates them—whether it be a slave question, or a question of domestic economy, or any thing else—to acknowledge the separation, and to let them go in peace; but until those relations are settled satisfactorily, until we know whether the arm of this Government is to be raised against them, by no vote of mine shall there be any additions either to the naval or military service of the country."

Mr. Fessenden, of Maine, replied: "The honorable Senator says this will not do; do one thing or another; declare war against them, if you please, or else declare that they are no longer a part of the United States. Sir, I do not choose to do either in the present state of affairs. I propose simply to do that which is necessary for our own protection and our own advantage. I repeat, I am acting, as yet, as a Senator of the United States. I am legislating for the United States, and not for South Carolina, or for any seceded State; and as long as I sit here, as I said before, I take it that is my duty. What, then, does the United States want to do? It wishes to collect its own revenue, and it wishes for force enough, if force is necessary, to accomplish that purpose. I am not at all frightened by the term 'force,' and this talk about the coercion of a State. The time may come when it will be necessary for us, to use the language of the honorable Senator, to speak plainly. I am ready to speak plainly now upon that subject; and I say most distinctly, if the time ever does come, in my judgment—I speak for one—when it will be necessary to use force in order to execute the laws of the United States under the Constitution anywhere and everywhere within what is properly the United States, I am perfectly ready to do it."

Mr. King, of New York, followed and said: "Mr. President, litis Government cannot be peaceably destroyed, or overthrown, or divided. Before that should be done, the sovereigns themselves would come here, if their representatives could prove recreant in their defence of it. It is well that it should be understood that the people of this country will never give their consent to a peaceable destruction and dissolution of it. Sir, I do not believe it can be destroyed. I would use forbearance, patience; I would extend every degree of kindness, and make every effort for conciliation with these people; but to admit their right to divide the country, to take a State out of the Union, or to destroy it; and, last of all, that they should peaceably have the right to break it up, I should never agree to.

"I do not know what these gentlemen consider peace. They have armed themselves by means which are well known to the whole country. They have illegally taken the arms belonging to this Government from our arsenals. Cabinet officers and members of the Senate have been in complicity in this treason. A foul and infamous plot, I have no doubt, has existed to destroy this Government. Providence, rather than the skill or attention of the people, has arrested it.

"I tell these gentlemen, in my judgment, this treason must come to an end—peacefully, I hope; but never, in my judgment, peacefully by the ignominious submission of the people of this country to traitors—never. I desire peace, but I would amply provide means for the defence of the country by war, if necessary."

Mr. Green, of Missouri, answered: "To what purposes are these steamers to he applied? "Why is it at this time, when our resources are less than they have been for many years, when our credit is lower than it has been for a long number of years, why is it now deemed necessary to borrow $1,200,00(3 to build seven new steamers? This question would have been pertinent; it is now pertinent; it will remain pertinent; but the purpose was disclosed in the speech of the honorable Senator from New York. I do not mean the thin, keen-visaged, eagle-eyed Senator, but I mean the bellicose Senator, (laughter,) whose voice is still for war, whose object is to involve us in serious, deadly conflict; and he says he wants them to coerce sovereign States."

The other propositions which had been introduced to the Senate, having in view a settlement of difficulties, may be as well noticed here. The debates occasioned by them were generally different aspects of one great subject, and strictly form a part of the preceding discussions. Other measures, such as the admission of Kansas, and the organization of governments for the other territories, are entitled to be placed in this class, as the discussions upon them embraced many views relating to the crisis in public affairs.

Three amendments to the Constitution were presented by Mr. Johnson, of Tennessee. One proposed to change the mode of election of President and Vice-President of the United States from the electoral college to a vote substantially and directly by the people. The second proposed that the Senators of the United States shall be elected by the people, once in six years, instead of by the Legislatures of the respective States. The third provided that the Supreme Court shall be divided into three classes: the term of the first class is to expire in four years from the time that the classification is made; of the second class in eight years; and of the third class in twelve years; and as these vacancies occur they are to be filled by persons chosen—one-half from the slave States, and the other half from the non-slave- Page 184 holding States, thereby taking the judges of the Supreme Court, so far as their selection goes, from the respective divisions of the country; also that either the President or Vice-President at each election shall be from the shareholding States. These propositions were brought forward as calculated to obviate the difficulty or complaint manifested in different portions of the country.

Whilst aiming at  the same object as his Southern friends, he hoped to secure it by different means. Secession was no remedy for the evils complained of. "I think that this battle ought to be fought not outside but inside of the Union, and upon the battlements of the Constitution itself. So far as I am concerned, and I believe I may speak with some degree of confidence for the people of my State, we intend to fight that battle inside and not outside of the Union; and if anybody must go out of the Union, it must be those who violate it. We do not intend to go out. It is our Constitution; it is our Union, growing out of the Constitution; and we do not intend to be driven from it or out of the Union."

He was opposed to seceding or breaking up the Union until all honorable means had been exhausted in trying to obtain from the Northern States a compliance with the spirit and letter of the Constitution and all its guarantees, lie denied the right of any State to secede from the Union without the consent of the other States which made the compact. Believing that the opinion that a State had a right to secede, had resulted from the Virginia resolutions of 1798 and 1799, he examined the subject and said: "Take the resolutions; take the report of Mr. Madison upon them; take Mr. Madison's expositions of them in 1832 and 1833: his letter to Mr. Trist; his letter to Mr. Webster; his letter to Mr. Rives; and when all are summed up, this doctrine of a State, either assuming her highest political attitude or otherwise, having the right of her own will to dissolve all connection with this Confederacy, is an absurdity, and contrary to the plain intent and meaning of the Constitution of the United States. I hold that the Constitution of the United States makes no provision, as said by the President of the United States, for its own. destruction.. It makes no provision for breaking up the Government, and no State has the constitutional right to secede and withdraw from the Union.

"I know that the inquiry may be made, how is a State, then, to have redress? There is but one way, and that is expressed by the people of Tennessee. You have entered into this compact; it was mutual; it was reciprocal; and you of your own volition have no right to withdraw and break the compact, without the consent of the other parties. What remedy, then, has the State? It has a remedy that remains and abides with every people upon the face of the earth—when grievances are without a remedy, or without redress, when oppression becomes intolerable, they have the great inherent right of revolution, and that is all there is of it.

"Sir, if the doctrine of secession is to be carried out upon the mere whim of a State, this Government is at an end. I am as much opposed to a strong, or what may be called by some a consolidated Government, as it is possible for a man to be; but while I am greatly opposed to that, I want a Government strong enough to preserve its own existence; that will not fall to pieces by its own weight, or whenever a little dissatisfaction takes place in one of its members. If the States have the right to secede at will and pleasure, for real or imaginary evils or oppressions, I repeat again, this Government is at an end; it is not stronger than a rope of sand; its own weight will tumble it to pieces, and it cannot exist."

This position was fortified by reference to the views of Mr. Jefferson, Chief Justice Marshall, Mr. Webster, and General Jackson.

"In travelling through the instrument we find how the Government is created, how it is to be perpetuated, and how it may be enlarged in reference to the number of States constituting the Confederacy; but do we find any provision for winding it up, except on that great inherent principle that it may be wound up by the States—not by a State, but by the States which spoke it into existence—and by no other means. That is a means of taking down the Government that the Constitution could not provide for. It is above the Constitution; it is beyond any provision that can be made by mortal man.

"The Constitution was intended to be perpetual. In reference to the execution of the laws what do we find? As early as 1795, Congress passed an excise law, taxing distilleries throughout the country, and what were called the whiskey boys of Pennsylvania resisted the law. The Government wanted means. It taxed distilleries. The people of Pennsylvania resisted it. What is the difference between a portion of the people resisting a constitutional law, and all of the people of a State doing so? But because you can apply the term coercion in one case to a State, and in the other call it simply the execution of the law against individuals, you say there is a great distinction. We do not assume the power to coerce a State, but we assume that Congress has power to lay and collect taxes, and Congress has the right to enforce that law when obstructions and impediments are opposed to its enforcement. Such was the action of Washington, and similar was the action of Jackson in 1832."

 In considering the circumstances which might arise in consequence of secession, he alluded to the free navigation of the Mississippi, when Mr. Slidell, of Louisiana, took occasion to say that he "did not know of a citizen of any southwestern State bordering on the Mississippi who does not acknowledge the propriety Fad necessity of extending to every citizen of Page 185 the country whose streams flow into the Mississippi the free navigation of the river, and the free interchange of all of the agricultural products of the valley of the Mississippi. Such a course is dictated not only by every consideration of justice, hut by the recognized and well-understood interests of the southwestern States. On this point, I can speak with entire confidence of the sentiment of Louisiana."

The right has been claimed by the United States to occupy foreign territory on the ground of its importance to the safety of the institutions of the country. On this principle the Government acted in the case of Florida. This was the principle announced at Ostend, where the American ministers to the three principal courts of Europe met and considered the grounds upon which the Government would be justified in acquiring Cuba. How would this doctrine bear upon Louisiana when out of the Union and holding the key to the Gulf—the outlet of the commerce of the West?

Mr. Lane, of Oregon, replied that the attempt to enforce the laws in South Carolina, when she was not a member of this Confederacy, would bring about civil war. No authority to conquer States and hold them as provinces is found in the Constitution. No such power is conferred on the Government. He exclaimed: "I am a man of peace. I dislike war. I would never make it or encourage it, except in defence of right, in defence of honor, in defence of truth and justice. I would go into battle and fight for the right; but I will never force war upon a people, or inaugurate it, unless it is authorized, and unless it is my duty to do so in defence of right; but certainly I would not make war to conquer a people contending simply for a right that has been refused, for a right that they cannot have in the Union, and for a right that they can have out of the Union, even if tyrants, or rulers that would be tyrants, should undertake to coerce them. The man that would do it, the man that would inaugurate it, would drench this country in blood."

In his opinion, reorganization was the only means to restore the country. "If we would bring about that reorganization, if we would rebuild the fabric that has been stricken down, we must maintain peace. Inaugurate force, inaugurate war in this country, and all hope of reconstruction has vanished forever."

He argued that if the party that succeeded in the late triumph had indicated to the country that they were now ready to see justice done; that they were ready to extend to every Southern State the rights they claim for themselves; if they had, at the beginning of this Congress, said—"Amendments of the Constitution will be acceptable to us, and ratified by our people, extending justice to all," to-day the Union would have been safe, and secession would not have been possible.

Declaring this to be the greatest Government ever created by the wit of man, he thus stated his view of the cause of its destruction:

"I look upon our Constitution as the best system of government ever formed by man. I would to God it could be maintained as it is. I wish that equality could prevail. I would to Heaven that justice could be dealt out fairly to every man of every State of this Union, as provided by that great system of government. But it cannot be so. Public opinion is in its way. The Northern sectional party is opposed to it; and you cannot have rights equal with them under the Constitution as it is. They break it up, not we. They destroy it by refusing to comply with its provisions. They trample it under foot, because they will not do justice to their friends. They claim the territory, though won by the blood of the gallant Southern men as well as the Northern men. They refuse to the Southern man one inch of territory for his property, though it cost him his money and his blood."

Mr. Benjamin, of Louisiana, declared that the present state of things had been foreseen for years. South Carolina had dissolved the Union which connected her with the other States of the Confederacy, and proclaimed herself independent. He said: "We, the representatives of those remaining States, stand here to-day, bound either to recognize that independence or to overthrow it; either to permit her peaceful secession from the Confederacy, or to put her down by force of arms. That is the issue. That, is the sole issue. No artifice can conceal it. No attempts by men to disguise it from their own consciences, and from an excited or alarmed public, can suffice to conceal it. Those attempts are equally futile and disingenuous."

His anticipations of the extent to which secession would reach embraced all the slaveholding States. "Next week, Mississippi, Alabama, and Florida will have declared themselves independent; the week after, Georgia; and a little later, Louisiana; soon, very soon, to be followed by Texas and Arkansas. I confine myself purposely to these eight States, because I wish to speak only of those whose action we know with positive certainty, and which no man can for a moment pretend to controvert. I designedly exclude others, about whose action I feel equally confident, although others may raise a cavil."

That South Carolina had a right to take the course she pursued, the Senator attempted to prove from the admitted right of all men to self-government, and having this right she formed a compact with the other States, which had been broken on the part of some of them, and was therefore broken on the part of all. Between the right to secede and the right of revolution, he thus discriminated: "I say, therefore, that I distinguish the rights of the States under the Constitution into two classes: one resulting from the nature of their bargain; if the bargain is broken by the sister States, to Page 186 consider themselves freed from it on the ground of breach of compact; if the bargain be not broken, but the powers be perverted to their wrong and their oppression, then, whenever that wrong and oppression shall become sufficiently aggravated, the revolutionary right— the last inherent right of man to preserve freedom, property, and safety—arises, and must be exercised, for none other will meet the case."

The act of a State absolves all its subjects, says the Senator, addressing the Republican side, and when you deny that you will coerce a State, but assert that you mean to execute the laws against individuals, it is an absurdity. "This whole scheme, this whole fancy, that you can treat the act of a sovereign State, issued in an authoritative form, and in her collective capacity as a State, as being utterly out of existence; that you can treat the State as still belonging collectively to the Confederacy, and that you can proceed, without a solitary Federal officer in the State, to enforce your laws against private individuals, is as vain, as idle, and delusive, as any dream that ever entered into the head of man. The thing cannot be done. It is only asserted for the purpose of covering up the true question, than which there is no other; you must acknowledge the independence of the seceding State, or reduce her to subjection by war."

Mr. Baker, of Oregon, rising for the final time to speak on the floor of the Senate, after a few preliminary words, thus proceeded: "It is. my purpose to reply, as I may, to the speech of the honorable and distinguished Senator from the State of Louisiana. I do so, because it is, in my judgment at least, the ablest speech which I have heard, perhaps the ablest I shall hear, upon that side of the question, and in that view of the subject; because it is respectful in tone and elevated in manner; and because, while it will be my fortune to differ from him upon many, nay, most of the points to which he has addressed himself, it is not, I trust, inappropriate for mo to say that much of what he has said, and the manner in which he has said it, has tended to increase the personal respect—nay, I may say the admiration—which I have learned to feel for him. And yet, sir, while I say this, I am reminded of the saying of a great man—Dr. Johnson, I believe—who, when he was asked for his critical opinion upon a book just then published, and which was making a great sensation in London, said: 'Sir, the fellow who has written that, has done very well what nobody ought ever to do at all.'

"The entire object of the speech is, as I understand it, to offer a philosophical and constitutional disquisition to prove that the Government of these United States is, in point of fact, no Government at all; that it has no principle of vitality; that it is to be overturned by a touch; dwindled into insignificance by a doubt; dissolved by a breath; not by maladministration merely, but in consequence of organic defects, interwoven with its very existence.

"But, sir, this purpose—strange and mournful in anybody, still more so in him—this purpose has a terrible significance now and here. In the judgment of the honorable Senator, the Union is this day dissolved; it is broken and disintegrated; civil war is a consequence at once necessary and inevitable. Standing in the Senate chamber, he speaks like a prophet of woe. The burden of the prediction is the echo of what the distinguished gentleman now presiding in that chair has said before—(Mr. Iverson in the chair)—' Too late! too late!' The gleaming and lurid lights of war flash around his brow, even while he speaks. And, sir, if it were not for the exquisite amenity of his tone and manner we could easily persuade ourselves that we saw the flashing of the armor of the soldier beneath the robe of the Senator.

"My purpose is far different; sir, I think it is far higher. I desire to contribute my poor argument to maintain the dignity, the honor of the Government under which I live, and beneath whose august shadow I hope to die. I propose, in opposition to all that has been said, to show that the Government of the United States is in very deed a real, substantial power, ordained by the people, not dependent upon States; sovereign in its sphere; a Union, and not a compact between sovereign States; that, according to its true theory, it has the inherent capacity of self-protection; that its Constitution is a perpetuity, beneficent, unfailing, grand; and that its powers are equally capable of exercise against domestic treason and against foreign foes. Such, sir, is the main purpose of my speech; and what I may say additional to this, will be drawn from me in reply to the speech to which I propose now to address myself." He then proceeded to deny that this Government wus a compact, that there was such a right as that of secession, or that the grievances complained of by the South, were sufficient to justify their proposed course of action.

These propositions went to the Committee of Thirteen, and the subsequent debate embraced all the measures before that committee. No separate and favorable action was taken upon them in the Senate.

The following resolution, presented in the Senate by Mr. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, previous to his retirement, contains in a few words the entire claim made by Southern members of what was necessary to secure their rights. It was ordered to be printed.

Resolved, That it shall be declared, by amendment of the Constitution, that property in slaves, recognized as such by the local law of any of the States of the Union, shall stand on the same footing in all constitutional and Federal relations as any other species of property so recognized; and, like other property, shall not be subject to be divested or impaired by the local law of any other State, either in escape thereto, or of transit or sojourn of the owner therein; and in no case whatever shall such property be subject to be divested or impaired by any legislative act of the United States, or of any of the territories thereof.

Page 187

It does not appear to have been called up or discussed before the Senate.

The admission of Kansas, as a State of the Union, was made a question in the Senate by the report of a bill for that purpose. But the crisis of the country was the absorbing topic of the remarks of all speakers.

Mr. Nicholson, of Tennessee, expressed his conviction that the sentiments of a majority of the Northern people on the subject of slavery, as an abstract question, were embraced in these three propositions:

1. That slavery, as it exists in the Southern States, is a moral as well as social and political evil.

2. That the owners and their slaves are created equal; that they arc endowed alike with the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and that to secure these rights equally to both governments arc instituted, deriving their just power from the consent of the governed.

3. That as the owners and their slaves are created equal, the former cannot rightfully acquire or hold dominion over, or property in, the latter without his consent.

He said "that, under the freedom of speech and the freedom of conscience, they have a full and perfect right to entertain these opinions. It is no cause of quarrel between us and them. On the other hand, the South entertain directly antagonistic opinions as matters of conscience and as matters of political opinion, on each one of these propositions. They claim the right under the same high sanction to entertain these opinions, and we say that it is no cause of quarrel, and should be none.

"What we now complain of is, that in the year 1856 these questions, known to be questions of antagonism, morally and socially, if not politically, incapable of reconciliation between the North and South, were seized upon by political leaders at the North and incorporated as the basis, as the 'central idea,' of a political association which, rising upon the strength of this prevailing sentiment at the North, has finally taken possession of the Government of the country. Mr. President, the first fatal stab to this Union was made at the Philadelphia convention, in 1856, when these propositions were incorporated as a part of the Republican platform. There was the birth of Republicanism, and there was the birth of organized sectionalism; its legitimate fruits are agitation, dissension, alienation, and, finally, disunion, in some form or other. In my honest conviction, there is to be found the true origin of disunionism, and there the real responsibility for that catastrophe.

"Now, Mr. President, let us see what it is in this platform that is so offensive to the South; for the real foundation of our complaints is to be found here. Gentlemen of the North seem not to comprehend this. They even take up the idea that it is a mere suspicion that some wrong may be done; some, that it is merely because we were defeated in the election; because we have lost our candidates; because we have failed in holding the Government which we have held so long, that we manifest such deep concern. I tell them, in all candor, that they are mistaken in this. If Mr. Lincoln had entertained opinions and stood upon a platform that did not, in our estimation, involve our final destruction—I mean the destruction of out Southern interests and institutions—we should have acquiesced in his election as cheerfully as in that of any other man. "What, then, is it in this platform to which we take exception? The first thing is, that it recognizes the general principle that all men are created equal; and, in recognizing this, asserts, as a fact, that Governments are made for the purpose of securing alike the rights of life and liberty and the. pursuit of happiness to the slave and to his owner. That general principle, if applied in the States, would liberate four million slaves. This is a necessary deduction from the assertion of the principle of the equality of the two races. But the Republican party, I must do them the justice to say, do not in their platform make the application of this general principle to the States. They confine it to those places within which Congress has, according to the platform of 1856, 'exclusive jurisdiction.' Then, the position is this: you concede that in the States we have a right to enjoy this property, and yon profess to be willing that this constitutional guarantee shall be maintained; yet, in so doing, you avow a principle to be applied to all other places within which Congress has jurisdiction, which principle fixes a stigma on every Southern man who is the owner of a slave; which principle would, if "applied, (and which, if you had the power, it is fair to infer, you would apply,) would set free every slave of the South. Without undertaking to say that this would be done without regard to other consequences than the loss of property, yet to a Southern mind these other consequences are so frightful, that when a party plants itself on a principle so alarming and so destructive, if carried out into all its legitimate results, we can but feel that our security is small, when all we have to repose upon is the professions of that party, that it will regard our rights within the States, when the same party tells us that rights which we regard the same outside of the States, it intends to disregard.

"Mr. President, these, in my estimation, are the grounds on which the Southern mind is now resting, and upon which the Southern people have come to the settled conviction that the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency, on the principles laid down in the Republican platform, is tantamount to a declaration of war against an institution which, in the South, is identified with all our interests, with all our happiness, with all our prosperity, socially, politically, and materially. This is our conviction, and this conviction is strengthened when we turn to the antecedents, politically, of the candidate whom you have succeeded in electing."

In his opinion the overwhelming sentiment of the South is that of demanding guarantees Page 188 which shall be unalterable—that shall recognize distinctly and fully the rights of the Southern man to his slave as property, and other points of much importance connected with the fugitive slave-law. This the South demands, or it demands secession or revolution. He then alluded to a border State Convention, to determine on these guarantees as a matter of extreme importance.

No direct reply was made to this speaker. Mr. Collamer, of Vermont, who followed, confined his remarks strictly to the question of the admission of Kansas. Much time was afterwards occupied in the details of the bill, and it was passed by the Senate—ayes, 36; noes, 16.

____


Source: The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year, 1861-1865, vols. 1-5. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868.