History of the Antislavery Measures of the Thirty-seventh and Thirty-eighth United States Congresses, 1861-65, by Henry Wilson, 1865.

CHAPTER VII.

HAYTI AND LIBERIA.

MR. SUMNER'S BILL TO AUTHORIZE THE APPOINTMENT OF DIPLOMATIC REPRESENTATIVES TO HATTI AND LIBERIA. MR. SUMNER'S SPEECH. MR. DAVIS'S AMENDMENT. — MR. DAVIS'S SPEECH. — PASSAGE OF THE BILL. — THE BILL REPORTED IN THE HOUSE. — MR. GOOCH'S SPEECH. — MR. COX'S AMENDMENT. — MR. COX'S SPEECH. — MR. BIDDLE'S SPEECH, — MR. KELLET'S SPEECH. — MR. M'KNIGHT'S SPEECH, — MR. ELIOT'S SPEECH, — MR. THOMAS'S SPEECH, — MR. FESSENDEN'S SPEECH. — MR. MAYNARD'S SPEECH. — MR. CRITTENDEN'S SPEECH. — PASSAGE OF THE BILL.

IN the Senate, on the 4th of February, 1862, Mr. Sumner (Rep.) of Massachusetts, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, to whom was referred so much of the President's message as relates to the opening of diplomatic relations with the republics of Hayti and Liberia, reported a bill to authorize the President of the United States to appoint diplomatic representatives to the republics of Hayti and Liberia; which was read, and passed to a second reading.

On the 22d of April, Mr. Sumner moved to take up the bill to authorize the President to appoint diplomatic representatives to the republics of Hayti and Liberia. The motion was agreed to, the bill read a second time, and made the special order for the next day. On that day, the Senate, as In Committee of the Whole, proceeded to its consideration. It proposed to authorize the President of the United States, by and with the Page 176 advice and consent of the Senate, to appoint diplomatic representatives of the United States to the republics of Hayti and Liberia respectively. Mr. Sumner then addressed the Senate in support of the bill in a moderate and well-guarded speech. "The independence of Hayti and Liberia," he said, " has never yet been acknowledged by our Government. It would at any time be within the province of the President to do this, either by receiving a diplomatic representative from these republics, or by sending one to them. The action of Congress is not necessary, except so far as an appropriation may be needed to sustain a mission. But the President has seen fit, in his annual message, to invite such action. By this bill, Congress will associate itself with him in the acknowledgment, which, viewed only as an act of justice, comity, and good neighborhood, must commend itself to all candid minds. ... A full generation has passed since the acknowledgment of Hayti was urged upon Congress. As an act of justice too long deferred. It aroused even then the active sympathy of multitudes ; while, as an act for the benefit of our commerce, it was ably com mended by eminent merchants of Boston and New York, without distinction of party. It received the authoritative support of John Quincy Adams, whose vindication of Hayti was associated with his beat labors in the other House. The right of petition, which he steadfastly maintained, was long ago established. Slavery in the national capital is now abolished. It remains that this other triumph shall be achieved. Petitioners who years ago united In this prayer, and statesmen who presented the petitions, are dead ; but Page 177 they will all live again in the good work which they generously began." On the 24th, the Senate resumed the consideration of the bill. Mr. Davis (Opp.) of Kentucky moved an amendment in the nature of a substitute, to strike out all after the enacting clause, and insert, " That the Pres ident of the United States be, and hereby is, authorized to appoint a consul to the republic of Liberia, and a consul-general to the republic of Hayti." Mr. Davis said, " I am weary, sick, disgusted, despondent, with the introduction of the subject of slaves and slavery into this Chamber ; and, if I had not happened to be a member of the committee from which this bill was reported, I should not have opened my mouth upon the subject. If, after such a measure should take effect, the republic of Hayti and the republic of Liberia were to send their ministers plenipotentiary or their charges d'affaires to our Government, they would have to be received by the President and by all the functionaries of the Goverment upon the same terms of equality with similar representatives from other powers. We recollect, that, a few years ago, the refined French court admitted and received the representative of Soulouque, who then denominated himself, or was called, the Emperor of Dominica, I think." Mr. Sumner: "Of Hayti."— "Well," continued Mr. Davis, "a big negro fellow, dressed out with his silver or gold lace clothes in the most fantastic and gaudy style, presented himself in the court of Louis Napoleon, and, I admit, was received. Now, sir, I want no such exhibition as that in our capital and in our Government. The American minister, Mr. Mason, was present on that occasion ; and he was sleeved by Page 178 some Englishman — I have forgotten his name — who was present, who pointed out to him the ambassador of Soulouque, and said, ' What do you think of him? ' Mr. Mason turned round, and said, ' I think, clothes and all, he Is worth a thousand dollars.'" Mr. Davis hoped that many colored people would go to Liberia, and cast their destinies in the land of their fathers. " I made," replied Mr. Sumner, " no allusion to the character of the population of those two republics. I made no appeal for them on account of their color. I did not allude to the unhappy circumstance in their history, that they had once been slaves. It is the senator from Kentucky who has introduced that topic into debate. And not only this, sir : he has followed it by alluding to some possible difficulties — I hardly know how to characterize them — which may occur here in social life, should the Congress of the United States under take at this late day, simply in harmony with the law of nations, and following the policy of civilized communities, to pass the bill now under discussion. I shall not follow the senator on those sensitive topics. I con tent myself with a single remark. I have more than once had the opportunity of meeting citizens of these republics ; and I say nothing more than truth when I add, that I have found them so refined, and so full of self-respect, that I am led to believe no one of them charged with a mission from his government will seek any society where he will not be entirely welcome. Sir, the senator from Kentucky may banish all anxiety on that account. No representative from Hayti or Liberia will trouble him," Mr. Davis's amendment was rejected, — yeas 8, nays 30, The yeas and nays were Page 179 then ordered on the passage of the bill, — yeas 32, nays 7. So the bill passed the Senate.

In the House, June 2, Mr. Gooch (Rep.) of Massachusetts moved that the Committee on Foreign Affairs be discharged from the further consideration of the Sen ate bill authorizing the President of the United States to appoint diplomatic representatives to the republic of Hayti and Liberia. Mr. Gooch addressed the House in a clear, concise, and practical speech in support of the measure. He said, "Justice, sound policy, political wisdom, commercial interest, the example of other governments, and the wishes of the people of our own, all demand that we recognize the independence of Hayti and Liberia, and that, in our Intercourse with them, wo place them on the same footing another independent nations." Mr. Cox (Dem.) of Ohio moved as a substitute the following amendment : " That there be appointed for each of the republics of Liberia and Hayti a consul-general, who shall be authorized to negotiate any treaties of commerce between said republics and this country." Mr. Cox said that this was "literally a Black-Republican measure. The gentleman from Massachusetts intends to let Hayti and Liberia send as ministers whomsoever they please to this country. If they send negro ministers to Washington City, the gentleman will say, they shall be welcomed as ministers, and have all the rights of Lord Lyons and Count Mercier." — " What objection," asked Mr. Fessenden (Rep.) of Maine, " can the gentleman have to such representatives ? " — " Objection ? Gracious heavens I what innocency ! " exclaimed Mr. Cox. " Objection to receiving a black man on an equality with the white men of this Page 180 country ? Every objection which instinct, race, prejudice, and institutions make. What is it for, unless it be to outrage the prejudices of the whites of this country, and to show how audacious the abolitionists can behave ? How fine it will look, after emancipating the slaves in this District, to welcome here at the White House an African, full-blooded, all gilded and belaced, dressed in court style, with wig and sword and tights and shoe-buckles and ribbons and spangles, and many other adornments which African vanity will suggest I How suggestive of fun to our good-humored, joke-cracking Executive ! With what admiring awe will the contra bands approach this ebony demigod ! while all decent and sensible white people will laugh the silly and ridiculous ceremony to scorn." Mr. Biddle (Dem.) of Pennsylvania followed Mr. Cox. " I cannot," he said, " recognize this measure as now prompted by that genuine philanthropy of which political abolitionism is the basest of counterfeits. Eminent members of the party in power laugh to scorn this colonization scheme,"

On the 3d of June, the House resumed the consideration of the bill. Mr. Kelley (Rep.) of Pennsylvania said, "The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Cox), acting under the new code, indulged himself in parading before the House the squalor and ignorance of the recently es caped slaves around us, as a fair portraiture of the condition of the negro race. He drew a melancholy picture. But how he enjoyed it ! and with what evident satisfaction he added each sombre tint ! The gusto with which he completed the work gave some indication of how jolly he would be, could he join a ring in derisive dance around some ulcerous Lazarus or blind Samson fallen Page 181 by the wayside. And then his other picture of the negro official in shoe-buckles, knee-breeches, gold lace, and bag wig, — it was so funny I True, I did not hear the roars of laughter that should have followed it ; but I am quite sure, that, if there was any such person as the elder Mr. Weller in the galleries, the effort to suppress his laughter must have brought him well-nigh to apoplexy." Mr. M'Knight (Rep.) of Pennsylvania followed in support of the measure. " It has been," he said, " to our glory that we planted the seeds of freedom, civilization, and Christianity, on the shores of heathen Africa, and to our shame that we have so long abandoned the culture and nature of the plant to others." Mr. Eliot (Rep.) of Massachusetts discussed the interests involved, and the duty of action. Mr. Thomas (Opp.) of Massachusetts spoke briefly but eloquently in favor of the bill. " I have no desire," he declared, " to enter into the question of the relative capacity of races ; but, if the inferiority of this African race were established, the inference as to our duty would be very plain. If this colony has been built up by an inferior race of men, they have upon us a yet stronger claim for our countenance, recognition, and, if need be, protection. The instincts of the human mind and heart concur with the policy of men and governments to help and protect the weak. I understand, that to a child or to a woman I am to show a degree of forbearance, kind ness, and of gentleness even, which I am not necessarily to extend to my equal." Mr. Fessenden of Maine would be willing to see any one, without regard to color, who might be sent as minister by a government with whom we have diplomatic relations. " The whole argument,” Page 182 he said, "of Mr. Cox, centred in this: Hayti and Liberia are not' to be acknowledged, — no matter what reasons may be given to the contrary, — because, if otherwise, we shall see black ambassadors in Washington. In my opinion, the speech of the gentleman was unworthy of his head and heart." Mr. Maynard (Union) of Tennessee would pass the bill. " The policy of this, like all other national, should be to recognize every nationality which has entitled itself to that degree of consideration, I suppose, if Liberia should send one of her citizens here, one of Afric's dusky sons, in some diplomatic character, — and even this by no means follows from the passage of this bill, — and he should occupy a seat in the diplomatic gallery, none of us would suffer more harm from the proximity than we now do from our contact with those of the same race who attend to the wants of our persons, brushing our coats and polishing our boots, in the lobbies of the House."

Mr. Crittenden (Opp.) of Kentucky said, "I will only say, sir, that I have an innate sort of confidence and pride that the race to which we belong is a superior race among the races of the earth, and I want to see that pride maintained. The Romans thought that no people on the face of the earth were equal to the citizens of Rome, and it made them the greatest people in the world. , , , The spectacle of such a diplomatic dignitary in our country, would, I apprehend, be offensive to the people for many reasons, and wound their habitual sense of superiority to the African race." Mr. Gooch closed the debate. " Why shall we," he asked, " in our inter course with the world, make discriminations in relation to color not recognized by the other leading powers of Page 183 the earth? Certainly the fact, that the great body of slaveholders in this country are to-day in rebellion against this Government, and seeking its overthrow, because they have not been able to control all its departments to promote the extension and perpetuation of slavery, does not make it obligatory upon us to do so." The first question was on the adoption of Mr. Cox's amendment. He called for the yeas and nays ; and the yeas and nays were ordered. The question was taken ; and it was decided in the negative, — yeas 40, nays 82. Mr. Gooch demanded the previous question on the passage of the bill. The previous question was seconded, and the main question ordered. Mr. Cox demanded the yeas and nays on the passage of the bill ; and the yeas and nays were ordered. The question was taken ; and it was decided in the affirmative, — yeas 86, nays 37, So the bill was passed, and received the approval of the President on the fifth day of June, 1862.

Source: Wilson, Henry. History of the Antislavery Measures of the Thirty-Seventh and Thirty-Eighth United States Congresses, 1861-1865, Boston: Walker, Fuller, & Co., 1865.